东盟五国制造业贸易竞争力的变迁与分析

本文运用贸易竞争力指数对东盟五国制造业在1996-2006年间的出口竞争力进行了实证测度, 并且也相应地测度了东盟各国长期稳定地处于比较优势、比较劣势的产业,以及随着时间的推移比较优势和比较劣势互相转换的产业.最后,文章对实证结果作了分析.     

中日韩三国纺织服装品在东盟市场竞争力的实证研究

本文从市场占有率、贸易竞争指数、显示性比较优势指数和出口产品相似度指数等4个不同视角出发,全面考察了2000-2008年期间中日韩3国纺织服装品在东盟市场竞争力的大小.实证结果表明,近年来我国纺织服装品在东盟市场的竞争力不断上升,同日韩两国相比,我国纺织服装品的竞争优势非常明显.本文的研究可为我国纺织行业进一步开拓东盟市场提供借鉴.     

中国和东盟五国服务贸易竞争力比较分析

随着<中国-东盟自由贸易区服务贸易协议>的实施,中国和东盟各国将逐步减少服务业准入限制,扩大服务部门的对外开放.因各成员国国服务贸易竞争力存在差异,该进程对各国影响必利弊互现.因此,各成员国应根据本国服务贸易竞争力现状,确定服务业自由化进程,以顺利实施<协议>.鉴于此,本文通过比较分析中国和东盟五国服务贸易国际竞争力及其影响因素,为中国具体实施该<协议>和进行后续谈判提供政策建议.     

东盟五国服务贸易自由化的进程及其影响

近年来,伴随着国际服务贸易的迅速发展,东盟五国(印度尼西亚、马来西亚、菲律宾、新加坡、泰国)的服务贸易也得到了快速的发展.根据它们1995年签订的服务贸易自由化纲要性协定,从1996年3月起各国正式开始其服务贸易自由化进程.本文在简述了促进东盟五国服务贸易自由化发展的一些国际及国内背景后,对各国在金融、电信及船运三个主要服务行业实行自由化的具体措施、发展进程进行了分析,最后探讨了这一自由化进程对东盟五国经济的积极及消极影响.     

东盟5国产业结构的演变及其国际比较

战后,伴随着东盟5国(印尼、马来西亚、菲律宾、新加坡、泰国)的经济增长,各国的产业结构发生了一系列变化。东盟5国产业结构演变的趋势,是与世界各国工业化中产业结构变化的规律相适应的。但是,由于各国经济发展存在着历史性、结构性和制度性的差异,东盟5国产业结构的变化与国际相比仍有许多特点。     

东盟五国与西德的关系

一九七三年的石油危机和接踵而来的世界经济衰退,使西德政府认识到,必须有一个有效的“第三世界外交”,必须去掉“以欧洲为中心”的看法,而把眼光放到全球。此后,西德与第三世界的往来日益增多。 西德认为与第三世界发展友好关系,东盟五国是理想的对象。东盟是第三世界七十七国中比较正公的声音,东盟五国主张自由贸易,东盟地区有西德所需要的天然资源,也是西德工业品有希望的销售市场。而且,东盟正在赢得国际声誉。所以,西德与东盟的往来,特别是经济上的往来近年来日益频繁。     

日美产业竞争力比较分析

按瑞士国际管理与发展研究院(IMD)的世界竞争力排名,美国从1996年开始已连续8年获得第一,而日本从连续五年的世界第一下降到1998年的第16位,2000年的第21位和2002年的第30位。日本国际竞争力下降的重要原因之一是,其产业竞争力从20世纪90年代以来与美国相比处于弱势。本文将从生产率、高技术产品的国际竞争力、产业信息化程序和产业技术政策四个方面来比较和分析日美的产业竞争力。     

东南亚国家联盟和欧洲经济共同体国家的人口和国民生产总值

1978年世界银行统计资料表明:东盟五国1976年的总人口已达232,071,000人,同年欧洲经济共同体国家的总人口达302,115,000人。 第二年(1977年),东盟五国总人口估计增加了5,252,000人:欧洲经济共同体的     

美国跨国公司与东盟五国间谈判力的演化

自1967年东盟成立至2007年的40年间,美国跨国公司的对外直接投资与东盟五国的工业化进程密切相关.本文以跨国公司与东道国谈判力为视角,在宏观和微观层次上讨论了美国跨国公司与东盟五国间谈判力演化的背景及主要影响因素,并指出一个有效的谈判力模型只能建立在个案研究的基础上,与特定谈判项目的优势拥有相关.     

“一带一路”框架下中日对东盟基建关联产业出口竞争状况分析——基于显性比较优势指数与转移份额分析方法

在"一带一路"框架下,中日对东盟基建关联产业出口的竞争中,中国较日本出口规模大、增速快;中日两国主要出口产品相同,出口市场各有侧重;出口竞争力整体上中国呈上升趋势、日本呈下降趋势,细分产品的出口竞争力中日相似,各出口市场上的竞争力日本整体高于中国;中国整体上处于出口竞争优势,且竞争效应是其主要原因;日本处于竞争力劣势,但行业组合效应为正且尤以运输设备最为突出;中日基建关联产业应加强在东盟市场上的合作力度,提高出口的联合竞争力,实现中日贸易的动态互补与合作共赢。     

Corporate governance in Germany: The changing role of the banks

The article analyses the different channels ‐ industrial stakes, supervisory board mandates, proxy voting ‐ by which German banks can exert influence on industrial companies. The central thesis is that even where the banks have such influence they do not dominate the companies. A recent empirical study on the effects of the alleged bank dominance over industrial companies with detrimental effects on their performance is shown to contain major methodological mistakes. The relationship between banks and industry is undergoing some distinct changes. Banks have substantially reduced their industrial stakes as well as their representation on supervisory boards, which underlines that they are not striving for industrial leadership. Despite a clear trend in the German corporate sector to pay increasing attention to shareholder value and to provide more transparency in accounting, it seems premature to expect the German capital market, including the corporate governance system, to incorporate fully the Anglo‐Saxon model in the immediate future.     

Transnational Migrants,Globalization Processes,and Regimes of Power and Knowledge

This article situates the Bush administration's new strategy in the historical context of the international capitalist order established by the United States at the end of the 1940s and argues that this order, though extraordinarily successful for some decades, is now in crisis. The unique capitalist international community that the United States established under its primacy revived international capitalism while preventing geopolitical rivalries between the main capitalist centers. The leading sectors of U.S. business have become dependent on the preservation of the unipolar primacy order for its own economic security and expansion while the American domestic political economy has failed to revive as an industrial economy meeting the rules of international economics, exhibiting growing problems with current account deficits and rising levels of debt. To manage the resulting tensions between the orientation of American transnational sectors and problems in the domestic American political economy, the United States has developed an international monetary and financial regime that is destabilizing and dependent upon the preservation of American political primacy over the capitalist world. But the Soviet collapse has destabilized the primacy system, while the dominant sections of American capitalism are committed to rebuilding it. The Bush administration is seeking to rebuild U.S. primacy, using U.S. military dominance. But this carries very high risks.     

美国会协防台湾吗?

本文介绍并分析了台湾民进党政府在新世纪的“军事安全战略” ;从理论的角度论述了台湾谋求独立的“军事安全战略”虽对和平统一前景造成了危害、但美国协防台湾的可信性在受到恐怖袭击后更加值得怀疑 ;作者认为台湾与大陆未来统一趋势不会改变。     

Initiative-Resistance and the Australian Party System

In the first half of the twentieth century, writing about Australian political parties was strongly influenced by the novelty of government — and the policy agenda — being led by the political arm of organised labour. This was reflected in the tendency for commentators to treat Labor as the driving force in Australian politics and policy, and to see non-Labor as playing a predominantly reactive and oppositional role. Following strong criticism, the “initiative-resistance thesis”, as this perspective was termed, lapsed. Here we revisit the concept, tracking its origins, use, and ultimate demise in the 1960s, and reconsider its validity and relevance, particularly in light of its affinity with the international literature on the “impact of parties”. While initiative-resistance was never a “thesis” as such, and critics have overstated the hold it enjoyed in early accounts, we argue that there is merit to a version reformulated in clear propositional terms. Critics may also have overstated its weaknesses. We illustrate this by focusing on one of the main original criticisms: the need to do justice to the separate identity of the National Party in understanding an essentially two-party system.     

Macroeconomic Policies and Agricultural Terms of Trade,Bangladesh, 1952–2005

Agricultural prices in Bangladesh have had a tendency to rise at a faster rate than industrial prices since the early 1950s. The resulting rising trend in the agricultural terms of trade has been pronounced since the mid-1980s when Bangladesh introduced IMF- and World Bank-supported deregulatory economic reforms. This rising trend in the agricultural terms of trade is inconsistent with the Prebisch-Singer thesis in the context of domestic economy, which suggests a secular deterioration in the terms of trade for primary products vis-à-vis manufactured products. It is, however, consistent with the view of classical economists who saw the possibility of an upward trend in the terms of trade for agricultural products (food) because of diminishing returns in agriculture. In fact, the classical idea of the rising terms of trade for primary products makes sense in a land-constrained growing economy with increasing population, such as Bangladesh, which remained semi-closed until the mid-1980s. This article reviews macroeconomic policies in Bangladesh since the 1950s, examines the time-series properties of agricultural prices, industrial prices and the agricultural terms of trade and draws inference on the issue whether the agricultural sector was squeezed systematically by turning the terms of trade against agriculture for industrialisation of the country.     

Weihaiwei

Japan is an international giant in economic and industrial terms but remains an insular nation in some other respects, perhaps as a result of a tendency towards requiring its politicians to build a high level of consensus on issues where attitudes and opinions are strongly polarised. The Liberal Democratic Party returned to power in the December 2012 general election, committed to kick-starting the economy with more aggressive spending and monetary policies; there is also speculation that it may prove a more nationalistic government at a time of greater tension in the Japan/China relationship, although so far it is pursuing pragmatism rather than confrontation     

华人新移民研究

华人新移民包括自20世纪50年代以来的中国大陆移民、台港澳移民和东南亚华人二次移民.本文拟探讨华人新移民的分布、特点、新移民内部以及新、老移民之间的关系.笔者认为国际移民是经济全球化的一个重要因素,在地区间经济发展不平衡的情况下,跨国移民将不断增加.华人新移民是国际移民的一个重要组成部分,她改变了海外华人分布的格局,赋于海外华人新的特点,并为移居国和祖籍国的经济、社会和文化的发展作出了巨大的贡献.     

Nationalist in a Liberal Order: Why Populism Missed Japan

In the past few years, many wealthy democracies have exhibited significant backlash against the liberal international order. Why has Japan—also a leader of this order—remained comparatively calm? I argue that though Japan was a prominent member of the liberal international order, in many ways it pursued policies far less liberal than those of its partners. Japanese trade policies (lingering trade barriers in in agriculture and non-tariff barriers in industrial sector) protected different sectors of the Japanese economy. Where Japan did liberalize, the government upheld the social compact of extending benefits to dislocated workers. Furthermore, Japan’s strict immigration policy contrasts with far more welcoming immigration policies in Europe and the United States. Tokyo deferred to public skepticism about immigration (rather than disregarding it, as did American and European leaders). The more nationalist agenda of a leading liberal state is critical for understanding both the roots of the current crisis in the liberal international order—and how it might be saved.     

China’s Multidimensional Environmental Issues a Fundamental Challenge for China’s Future Development – a Critical Assessment

China’s environmental degeneration carries fundamental political, economic and social implications for its future development and its international reputation. The complexity of the challenge is underlined by the variety of environmental issues China is confronted with. Among them we can identify water shortage, desertification, industrial and urban air pollution, acid rain, and extreme weather patterns. China is already a major polluter and its growth focus as well as the rapid urbanization process we can observe will further increase the pressure on the environment. China’s ability or inability of formulating an environmental friendly development strategy is of critical importance for its future development.     

Problems with Power-Transition Theory: Beyond the Vanishing Disparities Thesis

What happens when established states and rising powers meet on the world stage? Is conflict inevitable, or can adroit foreign policies produce peaceful accommodation between jostling Great Powers? Traditional power-transition theory tends to predict conflictual outcomes of shifting power, but this finding does not square with either the historical record or public policy-maker’s own intuitions about how international politics works. In this article, I exegete a central weakness of extant power-transition theory—that is, its reliance on vanishing disparities in national power as an explanatory factor—in order to understand where the theory is failing and how best to proceed with a view to generating greater understanding of geopolitical shifts. Beginning from the starting point that social science theory should generate useful implications for ‘real world’ social and political actors, I argue that power-transition theory’s monocausal vanishing disparities thesis is problematic in three respects: practical, theoretical and empirical.