The contribution of EU public procurement law to corporate social responsibility

This article argues that while EU public procurement law increasingly allows public authorities to take environmental and social considerations into account in public purchasing decisions, it does impose limits on the possibility for authorities to incentivise corporate social responsibility (CSR) policies through public procurement. These specific limits are the result of the EU legislator's choice to endorse the Court of Justice's ordoliberal approach to public procurement law. This approach is in tension with EU CSR policy, and more broadly, the EU's non‐economic goals such as environmental protection, the fight against climate change, human rights and social policy. It reflects a normative preference for the right of undertakings to compete for a tender over the freedom of government authorities to choose a supplier on public interest grounds even if these choices are based exclusively on a legitimate public interest and should be reconsidered.     

Regulating Complex Contracting: A Socio‐legal Study of Decision‐Making Under EU and UK law

The article evaluates interview data on decision‐making under public procurement law using Halliday's analytical model on compliance with administrative law. In this study, unlike other studies on administrative compliance, the decisions faced by public bodies are not routine; they relate to the award of complex, high‐value contracts. Two contrasting decisions in the procurement process are discussed: the decision over the choice of procedure at the outset of the process, and the decision over the extent to which the public body should negotiate with the winning bidder towards the end of the process. The article considers the rationales behind decisions, and finds that, although public bodies are generally predisposed to comply, legal uncertainty means the relevance of commercial pressures and challenge risk impact heavily on approaches to compliance, even shaping understanding of what compliant behaviour actually is.     

Bounded Discretion in EU Law: A Limited Judicial Paradigm in a Changing EU

Against the background of the reinforcement of the EU executive pursuant to the post‐2008 economic and financial market regulatory reforms, this article deconstructs the prevailing distinction between an executive body's discretion to make policy choices and its discretion when conducting technical assessments. This distinction, which arises out of the current judicial paradigm for discretion, has contributed to the re‐allocation of executive authority within the EU (sanctioned in UK v Parliament and Council and Gauweiler v Deutscher Bundestag). The article traces the distinction's roots in legal conceptions that have shaped legal‐administrative thinking since the early days of the Etat de Droit or Rechstaat. It proposes a public‐interest‐regarding conception of discretion where, in an institutional context where courts’ reviewing role may be limited, discretion's relationship to law is a matter of how legal norms may operate in the spheres of discretion that they attribute to decision‐makers, rather than how courts may review an exercise of discretion.     

Financing Services of General Interest in the EU: How do Public Procurement and State Aids Interact to Demarcate between Market Forces and Protection?

Abstract:  The present article reveals the interplay between public procurement and state financing of public services within the regulatory régime of state aids. The symbiotic flexibility embedded in the regime of regulating the award of public contracts which permits the introduction of public policy considerations in dispersing public services is established. This finding removes the often-misunderstood justification of public procurement as an economic exercise, and places its regulation in the centre of an ordo-liberal interpretation of the European integration process. The significance of public procurement for the financing of services of general interest is verified through an asymmetric geometry analysis. The article concludes that the public procurement framework will be relied upon for two main purposes: first to insert competitiveness within the public sector and market forces in the provision of services of general interest and secondly, to be used by the European judiciary and the European Commission as a system to verify conceptual links, create compatibility safeguards and authenticate established principles applicable in state aid regulation.     

Russian PNR system: Data protection issues and global prospects

The usage of Passenger Name Record (PNR) for security purposes is growing worldwide. At least six countries have PNR systems; over thirty are planning to introduce them. On 1 December 2013, a Russian PNR system will be implemented. But enhanced collection of personal data leads to increased surveillance and privacy concerns. Russian authorities state that passengers' rights will be respected, but a closer look at the Russian regime reveals a number of critical points. From a global perspective, the Russian regime is only one of many PNR systems, including new ones to come in the future. Apparently, for the majority of them, similar challenges and problems will apply. At the same time, for the EU, with its strict data protection requirements, PNR requests by third countries (i.e. non-EU countries) create conflicts of laws. In order to resolve them, the EU concludes bilateral PNR agreements. However, the current deals, especially the one between the EU and the USA, involve a number of weaknesses. Accepting the latter, and having a pending proposal on the EU PNR system, the EU has weakened its position in negotiations with third countries. How will the EU deal with the Russian as well as with all the future requests for PNR? This paper provides legal analysis of the Russian PNR regime, pointing out common problems and giving prognosis on the global situation.     

WTO Government Procurement Rules and the Local Dynamics of Procurement Policies: A Malaysian Case Study

This article examines efforts to create binding internationalrules regulating public procurement and considers, in particular,the failure to reach a WTO agreement on transparency in governmentprocurement. The particular focus of the discussion is the approachtaken by Malaysia to these international procurement rules andto the negotiation of an agreement on transparency. Rules governingpublic procurement directly implicate fundamental arrangementsof authority amongst and between different parts of government,its citizens and non-citizens. At the same time, the rules touchupon areas that are particularly sensitive for some developingcountries. Many governments use preferences in public procurementto accomplish important redistributive and developmental goals.Malaysia has long used significant preferences in public procurementto further sensitive developmental policies targeted at improvingthe economic strength of native Malays. Malaysia also has politicaland legal arrangements substantially at odds with fundamentalelements of proposed global public procurement rules. Malaysiahas, therefore, been forceful in resisting being bound by internationalpublic procurement rules, and has played an important role indefeating the proposed agreement on transparency. We suggestthat our case study has implications beyond procurement. Thedevelopment of international public procurement rules appearsto be guided by many of the same values that guide the broadereffort to create a global administrative law. This case study,therefore, has implications for the broader exploration of theseefforts to develop a global administrative law, in particularthe relationship between such efforts and the interests of developingcountries.     

Is EU enlargement bad for environmental policy? Confronting gloomy expectations with evidence

As the EU expands to include the Central and East European (CEE) countries, its capacity to adopt and implement environmental policy will be negatively affected—this has been a widely held assumption. The CEE countries have been expected to be laggards, slowing down, weakening or even reversing progress in environmental policy-making. More than 2 years have now passed since the enlargement, and the new member-states have begun to make their mark on EU decision-making and implementation. This article confronts gloomy expectations with evidence in three issue-areas: genetically modified organisms, air pollution and climate change. The main conclusions are, first, that there is no indication that enlargement will result in any breakdown of EU environmental policy. Second, the consequences vary across issue-areas. The new member-states have strengthened the group that favours strict regulation of genetically modified organisms, weakened the implementation of the EU emission trading directive and have affected EU air policy hardly at all. These results can give an indication of what is to come. On the other hand, only a short time has passed since enlargement, and the picture may change with regard to other issue-areas.     

The Perils of ‘As If’ European Constitutionalism

This review article offers thoughts on Kaarlo Tuori's recent book, European Constitutionalism, and more particularly on what he calls the ‘disciplinary contest over the legal characterisation of the EU and its law’. As the book's title suggests, Tuori privileges the constitutional perspective in that contest, so much so—he freely admits—that his analysis ‘predetermine[s] how the EU and its law will be portrayed’. And therein also lies the book's main weakness. Tuori's predetermined ‘constitutional’ interpretation, like so much of the dominant legal discourse in the EU today, ultimately obscures the core contradiction in EU public law. National institutions are increasingly constrained in the exercise of their own constitutional authority but supranational institutions are unable to fill the void because Europeans refuse to endow them with the sine qua non of genuine constitutionalism: the autonomous capacity to mobilise fiscal and human resources in a compulsory fashion. The EU's lack of constitutional power in this robust sense derives from the absence of the necessary socio‐political underpinnings for genuine constitutional legitimacy—what we can call the power‐legitimacy nexus in EU public law. To borrow Tuori's own evocative phrase, the EU possesses at best a ‘parasitic legitimacy’ derived from the more robust constitutionalism of the Member States as well as from the positive connotations that using ‘constitutional’ terminology evokes regardless of its ultimate aptness. The result is an ‘as if’ constitutionalism, the core feature of which is an increasingly untenable principal‐agent inversion between the EU and the Member States, one with profound consequences for the democratic life of Europeans. The sustainability of integration over the long term depends on confronting these adverse features of ‘European constitutionalism’ directly, something that legal elites—whether EU judges, lawyers, or legal scholars—ignore at their peril.     

CASES: European Arrest Warrant Cases and the Principles of Non‐discrimination and EU Citizenship

This case comment provides an analysis of the recent judgment in Wolzenburg (C‐123/08), delivered on 6 October 2009 not yet reported (Grand chamber) concerning the application of the EU principles of nondiscrimination and citizenship to the European Arrest Warrant cases. It also considers the impact of the Lisbon Treaty as well as the implications of the Citizenship Directive 2004/38/EC for this area of law.     

Automated administrative decision-making under the influence of the GDPR – Early reflections and upcoming challenges

This article examines the intersection of the GDPR and selected due process requirements in the context of automated administrative decision-making. It finds that the safeguards for decisions based solely on automated data processing provided by the GDPR coincide with or serve a comparable function to traditional administrative due process elements such as the duty to give reasons, the duty of care principle, and the right to a hearing. The automation of decision-making by public authorities across the EU will therefore be regulated by an overlap of national administrative procedures and the GDPR. This overlap, however, leads to a paradoxical problem: on the one hand, the GDPR is an inflexible legal instrument aimed at setting out in detail the rights of data subjects and the obligations of data controllers, and it does not offer national legislators much room to align its terms with national administrative procedures. On the other, the GDPR's broad language makes it susceptible to interpretations embedded in the elaborated practices of the national administrations. The unclear relationship between national administrative procedures and the GDPR may undermine its main purpose – to establish an equal level of protection in all EU Member States through its ‘consistent and homogenous application’. After outlining the main challenges in this regard, the article concludes with a call for further research and regulatory frameworks adjustments aimed at developing a better governance regime for automated administrative decision-making that would allow for embracing technological progress while keeping threats to individual rights in check.     

Is EU Administrative Law Failing in Some of Its Crucial Tasks?

Beneath the surface of steady changes in EU administrative law lurk a number of long‐term, structural problems. In this article, I argue that, because of these structural problems, EU administrative law is failing in some of its crucial tasks: (1) finding a balance between administrative convergence and administrative diversity within the EU legal system, (2) structuring administrative power and its exercise, (3) governing administrative instability. EU administrative law, however, is not necessarily trapped in the status quo. By identifying and articulating a number of long‐term problems, this article aims at providing some tools that future research could use in the discussion on the possible ways forward. More generally, it suggests that EU administrative law should be reshaped as a project of institutional design.     

Sectoral Opposition to Carbon Taxes in the EU – a Myopic Economic Approach

Over 10 years ago the EU Commission proposed a directive on carbon taxes, but faced so much domestic resistance that agreement was not reached until last year – and after it had been considerably watered down. The aim of this paper is to look into economic reasons for the political infeasibility of extensive carbon taxes. Since opposition is believed to arise prior to the policy implementation, the cost estimates have a myopic character compared with market estimates, in the sense that sectors are presumed to take into account their own substitution opportunities, but disregard changes in other sectors as well as the macroeconomic welfare gains from a tax regime. With this myopic approach, we estimate and compare costs of emissions cuts across sectors and across countries in the EU, showing how different sectors might have anticipated the impacts from an expected carbon tax. This focus illustrates that what seems to be cost-effective and to the best for the region on paper turned out too controversial to be politically feasible.     

欧盟公共采购法采购主体制度述评

欧盟公共采购法的采购主体制度是欧盟内部市场制度深入发展的结果,主体的市场化程度是判定其是否应纳入公共采购法规范的主要标准。同时,尽管欧盟公共采购法体现出高度的开放性特点,但这种开放仅是针对欧盟成员国的相对的开放,欧盟的对外政策仍具有突出的贸易保护特色,这是欧盟公共采购法与真正的政府采购国际法规范的一个本质区别.     

政府采购法律制度初探

政府采购是当今世界各国政府管理社会经济生活的一种重要手段 ,既不同于一般的私人、企业采购 ,也不同于政府的一般行政行为。国际上重要的经济组织和发达国家 (或地区 )都制定了“政府采购法”及相关的法律法规对政府采购行为进行规制 ,取得了显著成效。我国的政府采购行为在国民经济发展中地位显著 ,但相关立法尚不系统、完善 ,需要加强研究并加快建立健全 ,以实现政府采购行为的总体目标 ;充分发挥公共资金的经济效率 ;保护民族工业、扶植本国企业 ;最大限度内限制政府采购中的腐败行为 ;在互利互惠的原则下尽可能开放本国的政府采购市场、实现世界经济一体化。     

The Constitutional Relevance of Citizenship and Free Movement in an Enlarged Union

Abstract The concept of citizenship is analysed on three seemingly contradictory levels: its integration by the recent case law of the European Court of Justice into the existing free movement acquis, its restriction in the accession treaties with new Member States concerning free movement of workers, and its redefinition by new Member States themselves. The result is a somewhat blurred picture: While the European Court of Justices uses citizenship to fill gaps left by primary and secondary law mostly with regard to non‐discrimination, the accession treaties have allowed a ‘re‐nationalisation’ of free movement, against the promises of equality inherent in the citizenship concept, which also includes nationals from new Member countries. The concept of citizenship itself in new Member countries, as the examples of Latvia and Estonia on the one hand, and Hungary on the other demonstrate, is very much related to the (somewhat sad) lessons of the past and therefore highly politicised; it has not been shaped with regard to free movement in the EU. The author suggests a gradual ‘communitarisation’ of citizenship itself even though the EU seems to miss competence in this area, for example, by paying greater attention to residence as basis for Community rights.     

Still in Deficit: Rights,Regulation, and Democracy in the EU1

Abstract: Critics of the EU's democratic deficit standardly attribute the problem to either sociocultural reasons, principally the lack of a demos and public sphere, or institutional factors, notably the lack of electoral accountability because of the limited ability of the European Parliament to legislate and control the executive powers of the Commission and the Council of Ministers. Recently two groups of theorists have argued neither deficit need prove problematic. The first group adopts a rights‐based view of democracy and claims that a European consensus on rights, as represented by the Charter of Fundamental European Rights, can offer the basis of citizen allegiance to EU wide democracy, thereby overcoming the demos deficit. The second group adopts a public‐interest view of democracy and argues that so long as delegated authorities enact policies that are ‘for’ the people, then the absence of institutional forms that facilitate democracy ‘by’ the people are likewise unnecessary—indeed, in certain areas they may be positively harmful. This article argues that both views are normatively and empirically flawed. This is because there is no consensus on rights or the public interest apart from the majority view of a demos secured through parliamentary institutions. To the extent that these remain absent at the EU level, a democratic deficit continues to exist.     

Evaluating quality or lowest price: consequences for small and medium-sized enterprises in public procurement

This study investigates the effect of evaluating the most economically advantageous tender (MEAT) in public procurement rather than lowest price. According to the European Union (EU), evaluations based on MEAT, rather than lowest price, give an advantage to small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) in winning public procurement contracts because such firms are viewed as sources of innovation. Thus, MEAT as an evaluation criterion is recommended throughout the EU. Using procurement data from Sweden, I find no significant effect on SME participation in procurement calls for tender as a result of the use of MEAT in firm evaluations. However, large firms significantly increase their participation when MEAT is evaluated. Even more importantly, micro, small and medium-sized firms’ probability of winning procurement contracts significantly decreases when MEAT rather than lowest price is used as an evaluative criterion. Thus, evaluation in terms of MEAT increases large firms’ bids and success rates; hence, this policy is counterproductive. The reasons SMEs are disadvantaged as a result of evaluations based on MEAT are, however, not examined in this paper and require further research.     

The Scope for Joint Implementation in the EU Candidate Countries

Central and Eastern European Candidate countries are involved in negotiations with the EU on the implementation of the Acquis Communautaire in their domestic law. These countries are also preparing themselves for international co-operation in the framework of the Kyoto Protocol. Through this co-operation the Candidate countries will most likely transfer GHG emission reduction credits to other industrialised countries listed in Annex B of the Protocol. This can take place through JI project co-operation and/or International Emissions Trading. This paper argues that the Acquis environmental requirements will in general lead to GHG emission reduction in the Candidate countries, which will reduce the scope for JI in these countries. The extent to which the JI scope will be reduced depends, among others, on the timing of entering the EU and the transitional arrangements between the EU and the Candidates.     

High level Antarctic EIA under the Madrid Protocol: state practice and the effectiveness of the Comprehensive Environmental Evaluation process

The 1991 Protocol on Environmental Protection to the Antarctic Treaty (Madrid Protocol), the latest instrument of the Antarctic Treaty system (ATS), establishes environmental standards to manage 10% of the planet. Under the Madrid Protocol, all activities subject to advance notice reporting obligations under the 1959 Antarctic Treaty are required to undergo prior Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA). The highest level EIA—termed a Comprehensive Environmental Evaluation (CEE)—requires international scrutiny. This is the only form of EIA where such scrutiny occurs and the only context under the Madrid Protocol or any other part of the ATS where the proposed actions of State Parties, or operators subject to their jurisdiction, are subject to formal international review. Whilst this review does not provide a veto, it has been viewed as an important development in the Antarctic multilateral regime. To date, there have been 19 CEEs. This article reviews the Antarctic CEE process and evaluates its application in practice against the environmental obligations established in the Protocol. Whilst most CEEs are substantial documents and processes, which have raised the standard of environmental care in the area, there are significant generic limitations. Not one CEE appears to have led to substantial modification of the activity as first elaborated by the proponent, let alone a decision not to proceed with the activity, despite this being a mandatory consideration. There are indications that the imperatives in the CEE process are often administrative and diplomatic rather than environmental and that notwithstanding the international scrutiny of draft CEEs, state action may not be significantly changed. Suggestions are made on improvements to the CEE process. The Madrid Protocol is a framework convention, designed so that its technical annexes, including that addressing EIA, may be periodically updated. Twelve years after its entry into force, and almost 20 years after its adoption, such updating may now be useful.     

Rediscovering the public/private divide in EU private law

This article explores the role of the public/private divide within EU private law. It shows that although EU private law cuts across the boundaries of public and private law, the conceptual distinction between these well‐established categories does matter within it and may lead to better law‐making in the EU more generally. The legal grammar of a particular EU harmonisation measure—which can be more “public” or “private”—may have important implications for the position of private parties at national level, for the CJEU's likely activism in this context, and ultimately for the measure's ability to realise its policy goals. Therefore, instead of ignoring the existing differences between public and private law, EU law should explicitly adopt the public/private law language in its discourse, without, however, introducing any sharp divide between these two areas.