马来西亚的伊斯兰潮及政府对策

一本世纪60、70年代以来,伊斯兰潮席卷全球,马来西亚的伊斯兰运动也如火如荼。马来西亚是一个多种族和多宗教的国家,代表了伊斯兰国家的一种特殊经历。伊斯兰教为官方宗教,穆斯林人口占全国人口总数的529%。其中绝大多数为马来族人,约占全国人口的45%。其余人口由许多不同的种族和宗教团体组成,其中最大的少数民族是华族(占35%)和印度族(占10%)。很长时间以来,伊斯兰教与马来族的民族认同和政治地位是相互关联的。同时,种族矛盾成为政局稳定和社会安宁的潜在威胁。马来西亚伊斯兰潮的泛起就是在这种十分复杂的社会背景下产生的,概括起来说,…     

印尼伊斯兰教与基督教冲突的根源

冷战结束后 ,伊斯兰教复兴运动再次席卷穆斯林世界 ,伊斯兰势力在国际政治舞台上的作用 ,成为 2 0世纪末最重要的政治现象之一。伊斯兰复兴运动的东渐影响着东南亚局势的发展。印尼作为世界最大穆斯林国家 ,在世纪末遭受亚洲金融危机的重创 ,政治、经济和社会危机总爆发。民族宗教冲突是社会危机的突出表现之一 ,而伊斯兰教与基督教冲突又是宗教冲突的焦点。探讨印尼宗教冲突的根源 ,有助于了解印尼局势的发展 ;解决印尼宗教冲突 ,有利于东南亚地区的稳定 ,这是各国政府和学者共同关心的问题。     

法国的穆斯林移民及其与主流社会的互动

法国600万穆斯林中的大多数人在适应国家的世俗主义环境之时,依旧保持伊斯兰的传统色调,秉持温和与中道的伊斯兰价值观。法国穆斯林由于种族、语言、民族、地域等方面的差异而导致伊斯兰组织五花八门,呈现出分散化、多元化的态势,其中的"个人伊斯兰"和"穆斯林世俗主义运动"是法国穆斯林宗教实践中出现的独特的新思潮,这是启蒙主义和人权思想对生活在法国的穆斯林产生潜移默化影响的结果。穆斯林中只有少数极端主义分子在经济不景气的情况下打着"伊斯兰旗号"制造令人发指的恐怖事件。虽然穆斯林完全融入法国社会的道路还很曲折、漫长,但法国伊斯兰既是世界伊斯兰的重要组成部分又是法兰西文化百花园里一朵奇葩的时代终会到来。     

伊斯兰会议组织和南危机

伊斯兰会议组织(OIC),现在四十七个亚非穆斯林国家聚集在它的周围,是作为伊斯兰国家宗教思想的、政治的、经济和文化的国际组织而建立的。伊斯兰会议组织是六十年代末在穆斯林宗教思想的基础上,在阿拉伯和穆斯林世界所谓的改良和革命运动的出现和活动的基础上建立的全球性组织。     

伊斯兰教与东南亚国家现代化关系刍议

东南亚是世界穆斯林人口最多的地区之一,伊斯兰教对穆斯林占人口多数的印尼、马来西亚和文莱的现代化进程产生深刻影响,也对穆斯林人口占少数的新加坡、泰国和菲律宾现代化进程产生一定影响.本文认为由于伊斯兰国家的政治制度、经济发展水平、教育程度、社会结构、国际环境不同,伊斯兰与现代化的关系是多样的,不仅中东和东南亚地区伊斯兰与现代化的关系有较大不同,而且东南亚国家间亦有较大差别,表现出伊斯兰与现代化关系的多样性.     

东南亚恐怖主义的层累构造与演化逻辑

东南亚恐怖主义的形成有其特殊条件,是多种矛盾层累式构造的结果。东南亚各国历史上复杂的政治经济结构、族群社会结构带来的社会矛盾和族群矛盾构成了东南亚恐怖主义的基座。伊斯兰复兴运动衍生的极端伊斯兰意识形态以及基地组织在东南亚的扩散和"演进"成为东南亚恐怖主义成长的关键因素。美国发动的全球反恐战争给穆斯林带来选择困境,爱好和平的穆斯林同样需要抵制西方社会对伊斯兰教"污名化"的侵袭,反而为极端组织的成长提供了生命力。因为情势的不同,东南亚各国的反恐陷入集体行动的困境,固化了层累式构造的矛盾,影响了反恐行动与反恐合作。     

欧洲穆斯林问题的三个维度:阶级、身份与宗教

有关欧洲穆斯林问题的大量研究,往往都关注穆斯林群体在西方世界中身份的建构以及伊斯兰文明与西方文明的紧张关系。但这些分析可能恰恰制造了某种盲区,因为它忽略了文明冲突表象下的阶级问题,也忽视了少数族裔的极端暴力行为所具有的政治意义。本文认为,今日欧洲的穆斯林问题,不仅仅是宗教导致的身份认同危机以及由此带来的恐怖主义问题,而且还是福利国家中的阶级压迫以及西方代议制民主危机的结果。所谓文明冲突,很可能是少数族裔、移民群体无产阶级化的结果,而不是源于欧洲穆斯林整合困境的深层次的原因。而从阶级分化这一因素出发,我们可以摆脱将宗教视为自然属性的偏见,从而深刻认识到伊斯兰教对于外籍劳工在经济、文化和社会联系上的意义。宗教和身份与其说是人的自然属性,不如说是成长于特殊经济基础之上结合独特文化元素的产物。因此,以一种基于阶级、身份等多维度而展开的更为丰富立体的视角来分析欧洲穆斯林的问题,将有助于研究者摆脱简单的印象式、描述式研究的局限,从而避免倒因为果的危险。     

苏联的穆斯林(节译)

苏联是一个多民族的国家,在苏联,有三十七个少数民族信仰伊斯兰教,使伊斯兰教成为继东正教之后的第二大宗教。根据苏联一九八○年三月公布的一九七九年人口普查资料,苏联现有二亿六千二百万人,其中四千三百万人是穆斯林,约占总人口的六分之一。在二十年的时间中,穆斯林的人口比重从11.6％发展到16.5％,使苏联成为继印度尼西亚、巴基斯坦、印度和孟加拉国之后穆斯林人口名列世界第五位的国家,这不能不引起人们的注意。     

穆斯林移民在德国及其社会融入

经过半个世纪的移民浪潮，穆斯林人口在德国迅速增长，形成了以土耳其裔为主体的穆斯林社群。与此相应，各类伊斯兰组织不断扩展，为穆斯林移民提供了广泛的宗教社会服务，也成为争取自身宗教认同、文化要求及政治权利的载体和动能。然而，受制于弱势社会经济地位、特殊生活方式，加之社会普遍存在的针对穆斯林和伊斯兰教的敌视、排斥、歧视及恐惧情绪，导致“穆斯林问题”的高度种族化、政治化、安全化和病理化的趋向。吸纳与整合穆斯林移民业已成为德国政府和社会一个无法回避且亟待解决的挑战。     

论印尼恩鲁克网络的形成与发展

印度尼西亚是世界上穆斯林人口最多的国家,其穆斯林人口占印尼总人口的88%。2002年10月12日巴厘岛爆炸案发生后,伊斯兰祈祷团逐渐引起了世界各国的关注。伊斯兰祈祷团的创建过程实际上就是"恩鲁克网络"的组织过程。本文以总部设在布鲁塞尔的国际危机组织对伊斯兰祈祷团披露的信息为主要依据,分析恩鲁克网络的建立过程、组织结构及运作方式,进而深入探究恩鲁克网络与伊斯兰祈祷团一脉相承的关系。     

The lessons of the ‘Nookat events’: central government,local officials and religious protests in Kyrgyzstan

As Muslim communities reassert themselves in public life across the world, including Central Asia, their actions are causing tension in relations with ‘secular’ governments. Various global theories have been offered to explain these dynamics. According to one theory, tension between religious communities and secular states is caused by the exclusion or marginalization of Muslims, a process exacerbated by the perceived anti-Muslim bias in the foreign- and domestic-security policies of Central Asian states. A second view is that tension results from the work of global extremist groups espousing the restoration of an Islamic Caliphate. The third approach presents the rising tension as part of a broader trend: a putative clash of Western and Muslim civilizations. This article challenges these theories by using a case study of a Muslim grassroots protest in Kyrgyzstan to highlight the importance of local politics, namely informal arrangements among local officials, power brokers and community members. In so doing, it seeks to make a contribution to theorizing Muslim–state relations in Central Asia.     

Forgotten brigade of the forgotten war: Turkey's participation in the Korean War

This study is an attempt to shed light on the issue of Cretan Muslim emigration from Crete to the Ottoman Empire in order to analyse the multiple connections among the Ottoman state, immigrants and different localities in the Eastern Mediterranean in the late nineteenth century. Following the Cretan revolts of 1896 and 1897, the establishment of autonomous government on the island of Crete and the withdrawal of Ottoman armies from the island, Cretan Muslims began to emigrate from Crete to various places in the Ottoman Empire. Specifically, this article aims to deal with the migration of Cretan Muslims and to focus mainly on the year 1899, during which large numbers of Muslims were forced to leave their homes. The article suggests that Cretan Muslim emigration provides a good case for understanding the attitudes and policies of the Ottoman state towards migration, and the relationship between the state and immigrants, as well as for analysing the broader connections between Crete and the other localities of the Eastern Mediterranean. The working hypothesis is that in order to understand certain socio-political and demographic changes and transformations experienced within the Ottoman Empire in the late nineteenth century, it is important to study the issue of Cretan Muslim immigration to Ottoman Anatolia. This presents an opportunity to investigate certain questions with regard to the dynamics of migration and also to discuss certain facts associated with migration within the late imperial context.     

Same but Different: Muslims and Foreigners in Public Media Discourse

This contribution analyzes the public discourse on foreigners and Muslims in Switzerland between 2000 and 2009. In Switzerland, as elsewhere in Europe, the Muslim minority has emerged as the main concern for integration in public discourse. What makes Muslims special in the debate on immigration and integration? How does the public discourse on Muslims differ from the portrayal of foreigners in general? A quantitative content analysis of four Swiss newspapers was conducted covering three direct democratic campaigns. While the demographic composition of the Muslim minority has not changed substantially, the way Muslims are perceived in public discourse did. Certain ethnic groups, which are still categorized as foreigners in 2000, are mainly assigned to the Muslim minority in 2009. The latter is seen as a relatively homogeneous group raising other issues than foreigners. These results should lead to question the current academic and political debate on integration in Switzerland.     

Süleyman Nazif's ‘Open Letter to Jesus’: An Anti-Christian Polemic in the Early Turkish Republic

The recent ‘cartoon crisis’ caused by European newspapers that published disrespectful caricatures of the prophet Muhammad and offended Muslims all over the world, intensified the discussions on ‘the clash of civilizations’. The present religious quarrels, as distressing as they are, remind us of the uproar Süleyman Nazif (1870–1927), a Muslim Turkish nationalist caused in Turkey in 1924. At that time the bone of contention was not a cartoon but the ‘Open Letter to Jesus’ Nazif published followed by his ‘The Reply of Jesus’ and in both of which he condemned the ‘crusader mentality’ of the Christian world. Being political satires, these letters reflect the views of Süleyman Nazif on the imperialist European powers, show his attempt to defend the newly founded Turkish Republic and illustrate how relations between Turkey and Europe had been deepening the prejudices of Muslims and Christians toward each other. This contribution presents translations of Nazif's two letters, preceded by an overview of Muslim–Christian polemics in the late Ottoman Empire and the early Turkish Republic.     

汉族、越族民间灶神信仰之比较研究

尽管越南越族灶神信仰在其自身发展演变的过程中受到汉族祭灶习俗的影响,但由于信仰的深层象征及各民族选取、发展文化材料的方式不同,两者仍呈现出较大差异。越族灶神信仰的形成过程即越族本土民间文化与汉文化的交流与整合过程,它较为典型地反映了越族民间信仰乃至越族文化形成的规律。     

The 2014 Parliamentary Elections in India: A Study of the Voting Preferences of Muslims in Uttar Pradesh

This paper analyses the manner in which over the past few years, the major political parties in the largest Indian state of Uttar Pradesh have calibrated their policies with the objective of wooing Muslim voters. It examines the factors which shaped Muslim electoral behaviour in the general election of 2014 to the Lok Sabha (Lower House of the Indian Parliament) and how the electoral arithmetic was transformed in the run-up to this election. By analysing institutional, political and intra-community factors, it explores the reasons for the declining importance and representation of Muslims in the electoral arena of Uttar Pradesh.     

From Islamic Radicalism to Islamic Capitalism: The Promises and Predicaments of Turkish-Islamic Entrepreneurship in a Capitalist System (The Case of İGİAD)

The rise of Turkish Islamic capitalism, and with it an Islamic bourgeoisie and the accompanying lifestyle has profound implications for the Muslim world, since the Turkish Muslims have been backed by a relatively successful democratic and liberal system that has allowed them to integrate more easily into the global system. Focusing mainly on the members of the Islamic-oriented Association of Economic Entrepreneurship and Business Ethics (?G?AD), the aim of this article is to demonstrate the inherent (in)compatibility and contradictions between Islam and capitalism in contemporary Turkey, and by extension in the Muslim world. From the start, for the Turkish Muslim bourgeoisie, the burning questions were ‘how to earn’ and, more importantly, ‘how to consume’ within a capitalist system while still not transgressing Islamic boundaries. In order to overcome these challenges, the article argues that, rather than creating an ‘alternative Islamic economic system’, Islamic actors have reduced – in some cases, even eliminated – this discursive and ideological tension between Islam and capitalism by (a) trying to introduce Islamic morality into capitalism and (b) redefining both Islam and capitalism. Through these mechanisms they have also broadened and deepened Turkish modernity.     

Islam and Ethnicity in the Republics of Russia

An American sociologist reports results of survey research conducted in 1993 among Muslims in the five Islamic Autonomous Republics of Russia (N = 4,955). The data demonstrate that the strength of Islam as both a religious and social institution varied regionally despite the shared experience of Soviet anti-religious policies. Muslims in Chechnya and Dagestan were much more likely to report that they actively practiced Islam than Muslims living in Kabardino-Balkariya, Tatarstan, and Bashkortostan. Moroever, religious practice was high among non-traditional groups of Chechentsy and Avartsy. The young, the urban migrants, the highly educated, and men reported high levels of active worship. In Bashkortostan, Tatarstan, and Kabardino-Balkariya, in contrast, active religiosity was primarily confined to old, rural women with low levels of education. These differences, it is argued, are linked to the Sufi Islam tradition present in Chechnya and Dagestan but absent in the other Muslim autonomous republics. Journal of Economic Literature, Classification Numbers: O50, R10, Z1.     

Appendix: Lim Li-suat

Abstract

In his “Comments on Cham Population Figures,” Michael Vickery criticizes my 1988 article “Orphans of Genocide: The Cham Muslims of Kampuchea under Pol Pot.” “Kiernan has tinkered with the statistics in a tendentious manner in an attempt to prove the case for genocide,” he claims. Vickery accuses me of making “propaganda” and using “doctored evidence” to support it, of failing to make “honest use” of data, and of “fiddling with statistics to prove a particular political case, which cannot be made.”     

Islam's Modern Day Ibn Battutas: Gülen Teachers Journeying Towards the Divine

There is a longstanding debate on whether Muslims can be modern. Some argue that they can only be so if they forsake their traditions and embrace rationalism. In this article I argue that the Gülen Movement, a transnational Turkish Muslim educational activist network has found a middle ground by blending religious traditions with modern day realities. Drawing on interviews from the movement's teachers and graduates of its schools, from Turkey, Central Asia, Afghanistan and Pakistan, I explore, through the prism of al-ri?la fī ?alab al-?ilm (travel in search of knowledge), their maintenance of the longstanding Islamic ritual of travel as a means of excelling both professionally and religiously. In turn, I demonstrate how the movement, on a number of levels, effectively reconciles the spiritual and the everyday through updating Islamic practices to better integrate themselves and other Muslims into a globalised world.