公益“形意世界”中的“自我”转变——“80后”社会组织青年从业者价值观及行为研究

采取形意世界的理论视角,以叙事研究为方法,进入社会组织青年从业者的生命经验,理解其进入社会组织工作后形成的青年文化及机制。研究发现,公益行业和社会组织作为一个形意世界,改变了从业者的"自我",使其对社会发展形成了更深刻的理解和反思,增加了社会参与行动,并增进了自我认识和内在力量,这些都有助于形成新的青年主体性和文化。然而,青年仍需在日常生活中与成功主义和物质主义文化进行艰难协商。此外,这样的"自我"转变需结合从业者过往生命经验和当下日常实践。     

“90后”青年社会认知特征和社会评价分析

由于独特的成长背景和教育经历,"90后"青年受多元化思潮和新媒体的影响更为明显,其社会认知与前几代人相比呈现较大差异。本文利用2013年"中国综合社会状况调查"的数据,详细分析了"90后"青年在社会公平、社会信任、社会问题、社会矛盾、成就获得、互联网可信度等方面的认知,比较了"90后"青年与前几代人的社会认知对其社会评价的影响。结果显示,90前后群体的社会评价受社会公平感、社会矛盾认知的影响大致相同;而他们对成就获得、社会问题、互联网可信度等方面的认知对两者社会评价产生的作用之间存在较大差异。     

“杰出青年”年轻吗?

这篇短文提出的问题是很尖锐的,青年期的年龄界定不单纯是个基础理论问题,更是个直接的社会问题,反映着社会对于青年的看法和态度。杰出青年中多数并不年轻,这一现象的实质不能不说是社会或说是有关部门对于青年整体评价上的失望、不信任,或者是忽视。它究竟是青年与社会冲突的结果还是冲突的原因?显然,我们可以从中引申出更多更深入的思考和研究。希望各界读者对此发表见解。     

新时期青年的“消极点”和“兴奋点”

沿着新时期青年社会心理轨迹,我们可以看到一连串相当复杂的现象。这些现象以很明显的“消极点”和“兴奋点”呈现在人生观、理想观、价值观、社会行为以及文艺作品等方面。近几年来,有人在这方面做过一番研究,但由于社会心理学的研究存我国已中断了三十余年的缘故和某些研究者在思想观念上同被研究者客观存在着的“代沟”,所以,一些研究文章并未真正探索出青年的社会心理。我认为,青年问题的研究工作,应当主要让青年人去做,必须提倡青年人写青年人。只有这样,才能对青年的社会心理、社会行为作出正确的分析和科学的评价。下面,我们对新时期青年社会心理轨迹上的“消极点”和“兴奋点”做一番描述。     

中国“90后”青年的社会参与研究

"90后"青年是社会建设的主力军,也是推动现代化进程的重要力量。基于2019年"中国社会状况综合调查"的数据,运用广义定序Logit模型分析不同因素对中国"90后"群体和非"90后"群体社会参与影响效应的差异性。分析发现,"90后"青年的社会参与呈现"高参与意愿"和"低参与水平"的显著特征;进一步研究发现,政治效能感、社会优先和规范优先意识以及社会信任对"90后"青年的社会参与具有显著的影响效应,但规范优先意识和社会信任对非"90后"社会参与的影响并不显著。     

当代青年群体的社会态度及影响因素

基于中国社会状况综合调查的数据,本文从社会公平感、社会安全感、社会冲突感三个方面对青年群体的社会态度的现状与变化进行分析,重点探讨代际比较以及个体层面、宏观层面的影响因素。研究发现,当代青年群体对社会的态度比较认可,社会公平、社会稳定和社会安全是目前的基本共识。不同代际青年的社会态度逐渐出现差异,而"90后"青年的社会冲突感更加强烈。青年群体个体层面中的经济地位认同、过去生活评价、未来生活预期和内外成功归因在不同程度上影响着他们的社会态度,而宏观层面的市场化和城镇化进程以及人均国内生产总值所代表的地区富裕程度也在不同程度上形塑着他们的社会态度。     

当代青年“边际人”心态初探

改革和开放带来中国社会的急剧变革,中国的现代化也由此进入快车道。但社会现代化并非仅仅是经济或制度意义上的,正如著名现代化专家英格尔斯所说,它还是一种精神和心理状态的变化过程,“是一种心理态度、价值观和思想的改变过程”。青年,由于其自身的特点,总是处在社会变革的前沿,改革开放和现代化所带来的社会文化变迁,首先体现在青年的人格结构和社会心态、价值心理的变化上,使当代中国青年表现出明显的“边际人”心态。     

社会动员青年方式的新走向

所谓社会动员,是指人们在社会持久的主要的因素影响下,使其态度、期望与价值取向等不断发生变化的过程。就其一般意义来说,社会动员也可以称之为社会影响,但社会动员比社会影响更集中、更有力。社会动员的内容和方式、强度与效果,是随着社会的发展而不断变化的。在现代社会条件下,社会动员青年出现了一系列新情况,呈现出许多新特点,研究、探讨现代社会条件下社会动员青年的方式、作用与特点,对于把握青年,进行思想和行为的正确引导,具有重要的理论意义和实践意义。     

北京青年的“跳舞热”

这几年,集体舞在北京青年中得到广泛普及。去年国庆之夜,十余万青年在天安门广场联欢,载歌载舞,赢得了国内外的好评。国庆后,首都青年中的跳舞热有增无减,而且普遍向交谊舞发展,迪斯科也开始在大庭广众下露面。跳舞对青年到底有多大吸引力?青年们对跳舞取何态度?最近,就此问题,我们以问卷形式调查了八个单位150名青年。现将调查结果综述如下:     

领导者如何提高与“90后”的沟通和交流的能力

1990年后出生的青年群体思想行为呈现出鲜明特征,这一代人有他们独特的思维方式和个性特征,他们已经将要步入社会的各个层面。通过分析和把握"90后"的思想特征和行为模式,提出如何提高与这一代人的沟通与交流能力,以更好地促进社会发展。     

Citizenship Education and Post-16 Students: A Habermasian Perspective

This article is based on a research project carried out at the Graduate School of Education, Queen's University Belfast. The researchers conducted a study of discussion-based citizenship education for post-16 students in Northern Ireland (UK) over a period of 18 months. One of the researchers designed and delivered a course of citizenship education for students in a case study school (100 of whom were involved). This course was constructed within a theoretical framework that drew heavily upon the work of Jurgen Habermas. The results of the study showed that an overwhelming majority of the students involved gave comprehensive and positive evaluations of a citizenship course that was reliant upon a discussion-based form of education. This article argues that such courses, premised on the need to encourage communicative competence amongst young people, should be offered to all students within the non-compulsory education sector in the UK and beyond.     

The Post-2000 Round of Redistricting: An Entangled Thicket within the Federal System

A new round of revisions in the geographical districts usedto elect federal, state, and local legislators in the UnitedStates has followed the 2000 census of population. While legislatorsthemselves typically have the initial responsibility to performthis frequently contentious task, courts play an active supervisoryrole as well. This article reviews how United States SupremeCourt decisions concerning the post-1990 round of redistrictinghave resulted in the rules concerning the design of districtsbeing more ambiguous in this post-2000 round. This, it is argued,enhances the opportunity to gerrymander for partisan or otherpolitical reasons, a practice that is virtually immune to judicialinvalidation. The article also notes the more active role ofstate courts in this process. The districting process now involvesnot only competing districting plans, but more often than inprevious rounds, competing courts as well.     

Feminism in the Humanitarian Machine. Introduction to the Special Section on ‘The Politics of Intervention Against (Conflict-Related) Sexual and Gender-based Violence’

ABSTRACT

The prevention and mitigation of sexual and gender-based violence in (post-) conflict societies has become an important humanitarian activity. This introductory article examines the analytical discourses on these interventions, the institutionalization of SGBV expertise in international politics, and the emancipatory potential of anti-SGBV practices. It argues that the confluence of feminist professional activism and militarized humanitarian interventionism produced specific international activities against SGBV. As part of the institutionalization of gender themes in international politics, feminist emancipatory claims have been taken up by humanitarian organizations. The normal operating state of the humanitarian machine, however, undercuts its potential contribution to social transformation towards larger gender equality in (post-) conflict societies.     

US Media and Post-9/11 Human Rights Violations in the Name of Counterterrorism

This article adds to earlier research revealing that the American news media did not discharge their responsibility as a watchdog press in the post-9/11 years by failing to scrutinize extreme and unlawful government policies and actions, most of all the decision to invade Iraq based on false information about Saddam Hussein’s alleged weapons of mass destruction arsenal. The content analyses presented here demonstrate that leading US news organizations, both television and print, did not expressly refer to human rights violations when they reported on the torturing of foreign detainees during “enhanced interrogations” in US-run prison facilities abroad and the killing of civilians, including children, in US drone strikes overseas and outside theaters of war. Moreover, by framing torture and the “collateral damage” caused by drone-launched missile attacks episodically rather than in the context of human rights, the news media failed to alert the American public to the grave humanitarian violations in the so-called war on terrorism during the George W. Bush and Barack Obama administrations.     

The link between social attitudes and voting propensities: Attitude-vote consistency among adolescents in Belgium

Research on the political development of adolescents is mainly focused on political engagement and attitudes. The more complex relationship between attitudes and voting behavior is less studied among citizens under the legal voting age. We investigate whether there is a link between social attitudes and voting propensities among Flemish adolescents, using data from the Parent–Child Socialization Study 2012. We observe attitude-vote consistency for three Flemish parties with a clear-cut ideological profile – the Green, radical rightist and Flemish Nationalist party. Findings show that adolescents' attitude-vote consistency is reinforced by their level of political sophistication. The correspondence between social attitudes and vote choice, however, is not impressive and significantly lower than among experienced adults, leaving room for other influential factors.     

Authoritarian Attitudes, Democracy, and Policy Preferences among Latin American Elites

This article examines the prevalence and consequences of authoritarian attitudes among elites in Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Mexico, and Venezuela. We focus on the connection between antidemocratic elite attitudes and support for democracy; the causes and effects of authoritarian attitudes among elites and their implications for authoritarianism; and the impact of authoritarian attitudes beyond social policy preferences to other policy areas that have indirect implications for order. Contrary to some of the literature, we find that antidemocratic attitudes affect elites' support for democracy. Our analysis also speaks to the debate on the origins of authoritarianism. Much of the evidence supports Altemeyer's notion that perceived threat raises levels of authoritarianism, rather than Feldman's contention that threat strengthens the influence of authoritarian attitudes. Finally, we demonstrate that there is a broader influence of authoritarian attitudes on economic policy preferences, but only where those policies appear to have implications for social order.     

代际和公私观念对公共参与的影响——基于“80后”与“80前”的比较

本文以北京奥运会为问卷调查背景,考察了"80后"和"80前"在先公后私和公共参与的差异以及代际对先公后私和公共参与关系的影响。研究发现,"80后"在公私观念、公共参与方面具有自己独特的特点;代际在公私观念对公共参与的影响中起着调节作用。     

Social Trust, Social Capital and Perceptions of Immigration

Analyses of social capital and immigration have stressed the negative impact that culturally diverse societies have for the development of social trust. Ethnic heterogeneity, according to these studies, is associated with lower levels of social trust. However, social trust has not been studied as an independent variable in order to explain attitudes towards immigration. This article argues that societies with high levels of social capital facilitate the integration of immigrants because those members with high levels of social trust will tend to have more positive attitudes towards immigration. This hypothesis is empirically tested in a cross-country multi-level empirical analysis for sixteen European countries, drawing on the 2002–3 European Social Survey. This analysis shows that, regardless of the impact of other individual-level variables and contextual variables such as levels of unemployment or percentage of foreign population, those with high social capital do exhibit more positive attitudes towards immigration than the rest of the population.     

Reexamining Racial Attitudes: The Conditional Relationship Between Diversity and Socioeconomic Environment

Social science research notes that racial context is related to attitudes toward social issues; however, surprisingly little research has examined how the impact of racial context on attitudes is activated. The aim of this article is to examine racial context "effects" for policy preferences, but to do so within a broader perspective. This article extends the literature on racial attitudes by considering a conditional relationship between racial and ethnic context and socioeconomic context and expanding racial context to include multiple racial and ethnic groups. The findings indicate that racial and ethnic contextual effects do emerge; however, these effects are conditional on the socioeconomic context in which an individual resides. Specifically, high socioeconomic contexts and highly diverse contexts are related to higher levels of support for racial social issues; however, contexts characterized by low socioeconomic context and high racial and ethnic diversity are associated with lower levels of support for such issues .