建立东北地区对俄合作协调机制的必要性及可行性分析——基于俄罗斯远东国际合作地区协调机制的经验

2009年9月中俄两国首脑正式签署了《中国东北地区同俄罗斯远东及东西伯利亚地区合作规划纲要(2009～2018)》。自此,我国东北振兴与俄罗斯东部开发互动合作进入实质性的实施阶段。在制定和落实中俄地区合作发展战略的诸多工作中,政府管理协调机制起着至关重要的作用。目前,除了国家发展改革委员会东北振兴司负责政策制定和统一规划、协调沟通之外,东北地区缺乏地区性对俄合作的协调机构,而长期以来的对俄合作中,形成的是各自为政、独自行动甚至是恶性竞争的不良局面。基于对俄罗斯远东国际合作协调机制经验的分析,当前亟须建立东北地区对俄乃至对东北亚国际合作的地区性协调机制。     

东北亚地区各国的旅游认知和旅游意向调查——中国天津市调查的结果和分析

区域旅游合作是新兴而又被关注的领域,近几年东北亚各国的旅游合作取得很大的进展。但是学术界对该区域旅游合作的研究相对而言比较滞后,为了获取第一手资料,为了掌握该地区的旅游环境,尤其是旅游软环境的现状,东洋大学"环日本海地区各国旅游软环境研究"课题组在东北亚地区的5个国家开展了实证研究。通过对中国天津市的调查样本汇总,部分调查结果的分析表明,天津市民出国游去向的选择大多以东北亚国家为目的地;被调查者最想出游的国家依次为日本、韩国、俄罗斯、蒙古和其他国家。同时调查结果还表明了出游与个人条件的关联性。     

欧洲煤钢联营及其对东北亚经济一体化的启示

在欧洲一体化的进程中 ,欧洲煤钢联营是最具有决定性意义的一步。从某种意义上说 ,欧洲一体化是以政治和军事需要开始的产业部门的联合 ,进而在其经验的基础上发展起来的全面联合。这一过程中 ,在机构、制度建设上 ,欧洲联邦主义人士的积极推动都起到了积极作用。展望东北亚区域经济合作 ,我们认为 ,为实现东北亚经济的一体化 ,在推进总体经济一体化的进程中 ,应同时考虑探索产业部门领域的联合。另外 ,为了东北亚经济一体化不致失败且长期发展 ,还应该建立超越各国利害关系的跨国性制度和机构 ,更重要的是还需要有一批为东北亚经济一体化而献身的人才。     

亚洲开发银行与中亚区域经济合作

在亚洲区域经济合作中,除了东盟、“10＋1”和“10＋3”等由国家主导的合作模式外,还存在另一种由专业性国际组织主导的合作模式。本文以中亚区域经济合作为个案的分析,考察亚洲开发银行在促进地区合作上的作用。本文认为,亚行在中亚区域经济合作中扮演了倡导者、组织者、协调者和融资者等多种角色,起到了有效的枢纽作用。     

区域经济一体化时代的东北亚区域经济合作

20世纪90年代以来世界区域经济一体化进程的加快,使东北亚区域经济合作面临新的机遇与挑战。适应区域经济一体化大发展的时代要求,我们必须积极探索21世纪东北亚区域合作的新途径。在东北亚地区经济合作的模式选择上,应该遵循时间上的渐次性和空间上的层次性相结合的方针,首先加快中、日、韩3国的制度性合作,使之成为东北亚区域经济合作的核心和先导,然后再向全区扩展。当然,只有充分利用好各种有利因素,才能使合作展现出光明的前景。     

Southeast Asian cooperation in health: a comparative perspective on regional health governance in ASEAN and the EU

Globalization has led to new health challenges for the twenty-first century. These new health challenges have transnational implications and involve a large range of actors and stakeholders. National governments no longer hold the sole responsibility for the health of their people. These changes in health trends have led to the rise of global health governance as a theoretical notion for health policy making. The Southeast Asian region is particularly prone to public health threats such as emerging infectious diseases and faces future health challenges including those of noncommunicable diseases. This study looks at the potential of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) as a regional organization to lead a regional dynamic for health cooperation in order to overcome these challenges. Through a comparative study with the regional mechanisms of the European Union (EU) for health cooperation, we look at how ASEAN could maximize its potential as a global health actor. Our study is based on primary research and semistructured field interviews. To illustrate our arguments, we refer to the extent of regional cooperation for health in ASEAN and the EU for (re)emerging infectious disease control and for tobacco control. We argue that regional institutions and a network of civil society organizations are crucial in relaying global initiatives, and ensuring the effective implementation of global guidelines at the national level. ASEAN’s role as a regional body for health governance will depend both on greater horizontal and vertical integration through enhanced regional mechanisms and a wider matrix of cooperation.     

从区域内贸易视角透视东北亚经济合作机制

从区域内贸易视角考察东北亚合作机制化的经济基础,同时分析区域内贸易具体特征作用于制度化合作的相关机制,有助于探寻东北亚区域合作滞后的深层原因。东北亚目前区域经济关联下各国的分散化利益诉求,很难在统一的制度性框架内实现。区域内贸易增长机制的生产—消费双重困境,又使区外力量必然成为干扰东北亚合作机制构建的因素。加强区域合作、进而扩大区内国家间的共同经济利益,可能成为破解东北亚"安全困境"的重要途径。     

中国与南盟开展区域经济合作的SWOT分析

中国与南盟国家地理位置毗邻，历来有着传统的经济贸易往来。随着南亚国家经济的不断发展，中国开展积极的周边外交政策，以及中国与东南亚国家联盟开展“10＋1”区域经济合作的示范作用，中国与南盟开始寻求一种更加积极稳固的经济合作。文章将通过管理学中常用的SWOT分析法来分析开展中国与南盟之间的区域经济合作的各种环境，以期为双方开展区域经济合作提供借鉴和指导。     

Taking production relations seriously: the role of defence firms in armaments cooperation

ABSTRACT

Coordinating defence-industrial relations towards harmonising and facilitating procurement policies, production processes and the joint operability of their member-states’ national defence sectors, International Armaments Organisations (IAOs) play an important role in armaments cooperation. How can we explain their institutional development? Existing literature tackles this question using International Relations theories to mid-range theories of institutions and integration. However, they adopt overly state-centric viewpoints, assume actor interests as given, and disregard the changes in the global economic landscape that constitute the backdrop of armaments cooperation. In response, we shift the focus onto a key group of actors: the defence firms. Using a Neo-Gramscian Historical Materialist approach, we investigate how the globalisation of the defence market has created a transnational defence-industrial class in Europe, and demonstrate how its economic interests have fundamentally shaped the institutional frameworks of European IAOs. We focus on the Organisation for Joint Armaments Cooperation (OCCAR) and the European Defence Agency (EDA) to illustrate our argument. Our conclusions have implications for the study of armaments cooperation, particularly highlighting how the economic nature of this policy domain necessitates a closer look at the global and regional production relations, and the agency of the defence firms.     

中国——东北亚国家之间的环境合作:状况分析与评价

中国—东北亚国家之间的环境合作包括众多方面,既有双边合作,又有多边合作。目前,这些多方面的环境合作已显现出很多绩效,如逐步启发与强化东北亚国家的“环境共同体”,以具体的积极的行动计划解决国际间的跨国环境矛盾和纠纷,促进东北亚各国环境产业和环境市场的发展等。但在东北亚国家的环境合作中,仍存在一些问题亟待解决。展望未来,东北亚国家间的环境合作将成为全球环境中具有高度积极意义的组成部分。     

Institutionalizing ASEAN: celebrating Europe through network governance

This article provides a new piece for two of the puzzles of institutionalized cooperation in Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). First, with regard to the organization's four decades of existence, there has always been a marked gap between ASEAN's rhetorical goals of cooperation and its actual achievements. What explains these systematic failures of implementation? Second, from the outset, ASEAN was criticized for its light institutionalization, which failed to deliver the substantial cooperation goals. Despite selected institutional reforms, ASEAN's autonomy has not increased remarkably and it has not made any major institutional innovations. Why does ASEAN design institutions it does not use? Why does this transformation gap occur? The author suggests a sociological institutional explanation and argues that major impulses for cooperation have come from outside Southeast Asia, most importantly from Europe. By mimicking the European integration process, ASEAN member states have effectively created an isomorphic organization. The Association's institutional development reflects a concern for international legitimacy and less an objective functional demand arising from the specific interactions of member states. This copying process has led to network governance within the organization.     

EU–Japan “Structured Cooperation” and energy efficiency for Asia

The paper argues that for EU–Japan cooperation the time has come to move from declarations of intent to action. It is suggested that in order to function and to last the cooperation needs a framework that pulls together and organizes different cooperation areas and concrete projects. The framework, it is suggested, should be a flexible “Structured Cooperation” in and under which cooperation would be treated as a negotiating project, in which the advantages and benefits of individual projects would lead to an agreed BoB—balance of benefits. To ensure delivery and allow for adjustments, adding and adjusting of subjects etc. a management and surveillance structure would be required to ensure an enduring interest of both sides in continuing cooperation. The individual cooperation projects, it is suggested, should be organized around common themes—the pillars—for better coherence and management. In a second part the paper suggests a practical and feasible cooperation project for improving the energy efficiency of some products widely used in Asia. That proposal uses the main elements of a relatively easy to implement approach that has been successfully applied in Europe. This approach has the advantage over others to make harmonization of efficiency requirements for energy using products in Asia possible, without the need to engage in time consuming and potentially controversial mutual recognition negotiations of national standards or the need to harmonize national Asian standards.     

东北亚农业合作的现状与展望

东北亚地区发展农业合作潜力巨大。中国东北地区同东北亚各国广泛开展农业合作,并取得了一定成效,但仍存在一定的问题,东北亚地区农业合作有待于进一步发展。应加强农产品的出口,促进农业劳动力对外输出,吸引日韩企业参加东北地区农业开发并加强同日韩的农业技术合作开发与引进。     

东北亚交通物流合作框架研究

近年来,在经济全球化的推动下,东北亚各国和地区间的经济合作日益紧密,东北亚交通物流体系的完善成为区域内各国和地区普遍关注的问题。为此,东北亚各国和地区积极展开了交通物流领域的双边和多边合作。东北亚区域铁路、公路、海运、航空、管道等交通物流体系方面已初步形成一个基本框架,以此框架为基础,建立一体化交通物流网络,将在推进东北亚区域合作的过程中发挥基础性作用。     

Europe and Asian international cooperation

In 2006 Asian–European Meeting, ASEM, turned 10 years old. Reaching this milestone justifies critical reflections of the first decade of the dialogue forum, and debate on the directions for the second decade. When looking at the previous success of ASEM, and when planning for the new directions of European–Asian cooperation, one must keep in mind that this vast area covered by ASEM includes many drastically different value sets and definitions of what constitutes success and failure in Asian-European cooperation. From the European perspective, it is important to remember that many of the European approaches and institutions of international cooperation are not necessarily seen by Asians as being optimal for ASEM. In order to assess how Europe should view the approaches and institutionalisation of ASEM, it is important that we know how the expectations of Asians and Europeans differ, and how the different Asian and European approaches to international cooperation manage to bring results. These are the questions tackled here.     

东北亚非传统安全:问题领域及合作模式

冷战结束后,传统安全在国际关系中的极度优先地位相对下降,非传统安全问题对国际社会带来的影响日益凸显。由于非传统安全拥有行为主体多样化、价值主体多层次、跨国性和嬗变性以及强调安全的合作性等特点,国家在该领域更易于达成合作。具体到东北亚地区,所涉及的问题领域包括金融危机、能源短缺、生态环境恶化、恐怖主义和大规模杀伤性武器扩散、非法移民、流行疾病等。尽管目前该地区非传统安全合作的制度化程度还不高,但由于各国在经济安全、能源安全、环境安全、社会安全等方面拥有广泛的共同利益,东北亚国家必将通过现实可行的制度设计来加强非传统安全领域的紧密合作。     

Russia's energy diplomacy toward Europe and Northeast Asia: a comparative study

This paper aims first to illuminate the key aspects of Russia's energy diplomacy toward the EU and how the EU copes with it and then to apply the pattern found in Europe to Northeast Asia and compare the differences. In Europe, Russia has been quite effective in consolidating its dominant position as energy suppliers, and has been equally successful in nullifying the EU's collective attempts to produce a united front by forming individual energy relationships with various EU member states. A strategy of ‘divide-and-rule’ has been at the center of Moscow's energy diplomacy toward Europe. In Northeast Asia, by contrast, the progress of energy cooperation between Russia and Northeast Asian countries has been slower than both sides initially hoped. Overall, it could be attributed to Russia's failure to gain the trust of Northeast Asian countries in the course of its energy diplomacy under the Putin administration.     

黑瞎子岛建设自由贸易区的构想与对策

发展对外贸易、促进跨境区域合作是现阶段东北亚区域经济合作的关键拉动因素。为了切实推进黑瞎子岛保税区建设规划,中央政府应给予更加优惠的政策支持,实施境内关外监管模式,从而降低贸易壁垒,提高贸易创造效应和贸易转移效应,进一步推动中俄国际经贸发展,并在远期将黑瞎子岛建成为商品自由流通、资本自由流动、货币自由兑换、人员自由进出的自由贸易区,加速东北亚国际区域经济合作与发展。     

东亚区域能源安全与东亚共同体构建

东亚共同体是未来东亚合作和东亚国家可持续发展的最佳选择。但目前它尚处于理想和现实之间,短期内无法建成。近年来,东亚大多数国家都面临着能源安全困境,它涉及到东亚国家现实的共同利益问题。区域能源安全问题已经成为当今东亚国家普遍关注和需要解决的问题。如果能够以区域能源安全合作为切入点,建立东亚能源合作机制或区域能源安全共同体,那么不仅有助于推动东亚共同体构建的进程,还可以为东亚共同体的构建和运行积累宝贵的经验。     

International Socialization in Difficult Environments: The Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe in Central Asia

This article explores the potential of the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) to be an agent of socialization in the five Central Asian Republics of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan. In drawing on both rationalist and constructivist approaches to international socialization it is argued that the organization's inability to provide tangible material and political incentives as well as Central Asia's indigenous culture and institutions impede successful socialization dynamics. Moreover, the power-oriented elites consider the bulk of the OSCE activities to be a threat to their grasp on power, not only making socialization almost impossible but also making OSCE–Central Asian cooperation increasingly difficult to sustain. Recommendations to increase the OSCE's influence in the region concentrate on a better understanding of the cost-benefit calculation of Central Asian governments as well as a more responsive attitude to traditional institutions in the OSCE's approach toward the region.