地方民主创新的政绩化倾向初探

近年来,各地民主创新蓬勃开展,同时也出现了政绩化的倾向,在经济欠发达地区尤为明显。政绩化是地方官员进行基层民主和干部选拔、选举制度改革的重要推动力,但也导致了改革形式化、盲目推广、攀比民主化程度、忽视配套制度建设等急功近利的消极现象。对此,上级党委应总结经验、正确引导,推动中国民主政治有序发展。     

A WHOLE-PROCESS DEMOCRACY

Chinese President Xi Jinping has described China's democracy as a wholeprocess people's democracy.The very purpose of developing socialist democracy is to give full expression to the will of the people, protect their rights and interests, spark their creativity, and provide systemic and institutional guarantees to ensure the people run the country, according to him.     

发展党内基层民主的实践与启示

党内民主是党的生命,党内基层民主是党内民主的基石.近年来,广西各级党组织以改革创新的精神,学习借鉴外地的先进经验,坚持从实际出发,解放思想,积极探索发展党内基层民主的新制度、新举措,取得了许多新进展和有益的启示.     

难以当真的大学--对中国大学生存状态的一种解析

近年来,对于大学生存、改革与发展的命题,人们业已形成了新的思维和行动定势.认识、体制、机制、行动等一系列因素共同促成了现行高等教育的运行规则.中国当代大学出现了越来越多的仿真现象,在生长进程中面临着许多"不得不"的行为选择.从理性而健康的角度设计,"文化定位"、"原创科研"、"情感教育"、"简化管理"必将成为今后大学改革与发展的应然走向.     

The prospects for democratization in China: Evidence from the 1995 Beijing area study

Assessing the prospects for democratization in The People's Republic of China has been a mostly normative exercise over the past 20 years. Newer empirical work has focused on public opinion and the implications for a democratic transition but this literature is still in its infancy. This paper focuses on the distribution of public opinion in Beijing with respect to a direct, close end question about the respondent's most important value. Among the choices were political democracy and individual freedom. We hypothesize that if younger, more educated and wealthier people are more likely to select either of these options as their most important value then, over the next few decades, there would be increasing public pressure for democratization because of generational replacement and the expected increases in both wealth and average levels of education in China over the same time span. While there are some indications that in the future Chinese public opinion will be more favorable to a transition towards democracy, on balance the results of this paper provide scant evidence that the future will lead to increasing public pressure for democratization.     

台湾外省第二代家族书写研究

近年,台湾的认同问题越发引起关注。面对父辈的衰弱与消亡,外省第二代作家张大春、骆以军、陈玉慧等纷纷介入家族小说的创作,企图以文字为"我族"保存记忆与建构认同。他们有着相似的关怀与焦虑,但外省族群内部并非铁板一块。本文旨在厘清外省第二代作家近期小说中的家国想象与族群建构,同时论述空间地景与文化记忆所彰显的多音交叠的差异性认同取向。     

论我国司法透明制度的完善

司法透明是司法现代化和司法民主的重要标志,也是实现司法公正的有效保障机制。近年来,全国各级法院通过对审判方式、诉讼制度、执行体制及审判组织等的改革,从不同侧面落实司法透明原则。然而司法透明制度取得积极进展的同时,还面临着许多深层次的问题有待于解决,本文即从消除制约司法透明的一些体制性障碍这个最主要的问题着手来探讨司法透明制度在我国的完善。     

试论广州地区的自梳习俗及其在近代的表现

广州地区的自梳习俗在中国是独一无二的。这种习俗在近代形成了一个高潮。其产生的原因是多方面的。自梳是女性追求自由所选择的一种消极方式。它的兴盛与近代的民主平等精神有契合之处。文章采用大量近代的历史资料,揭示了当时自梳女的生活及其社会意义。     

民主选举：从村级到乡镇级

最近几年的村民委员会改选实现了真正的民主选举。村级民主选举将从根本上动摇村干部配合乡镇政府乱收费的行为,但这会强化乡镇政府所属的众多的站、所、室及公司直接进入市场,征收费用。乡镇政府的市场介入会导致巨大的效率损失。因此,有必要规范乡镇政府行为,而实现乡镇级民主选举则是规范乡镇政府行为的必然选择。而且,从笔者论证的结果和选举实践来看,在我国实行乡镇级民主选举是可行的。     

简论乌克兰民主与民族主义的互动博弈

近年来,乌克兰政治危机频发,与其民主政治转型密切相关——快速民主化进程带来治理困难的"弱民主",历史原因累积又造成两大主体民族俄罗斯族与乌克兰族的尖锐对立,族裔民族主义隐疾严重侵蚀民主政治的根基。那么,民主与民族主义的孪生关系究竟该如何界定,二者在现代国家构建的过程中又以何种方式进行互动运作,彼此之间的博弈冲突可否化解?鉴此,从乌克兰国家及民族历史背景出发,分析其作为多民族国家典型在现代化进程中民主与民族主义的关系,无疑是求解的有效途径。     

Pingtan Folk Ballad Captivates Young Chinese

IN recent years,traditional Chinese art forms have caught the attention of more and more young Chinese,due to their innovative nature.One of the most popular among young people right now is Suzhou pingtan,a folk ballad about the art of story-telling. Born in Suzhou,in east China's Jiangsu Province,and thriving in Shanghai,Suzhou pingtan has a history of more than 200 years with many practicing schools.The place for pingtan performance is very simple.A table and a chair (or two chairs) set up in alleys,teahouses or wine shops are all that's need-ed to start a show.     

Defenders of the Realm

On October 25, Chinese President Xi Jinping attended and addressed a conference in Beijing to mark the 50th anniversary of the restoration of the People's Republic of China's lawful seat in the UN. Summarizing China's philosophy as a major country that pursues peaceful development for the benefit of people worldwide, he called on the international community to dy-namically advocate the common values of humanity featuring peace, develop-ment, equity, justice, democracy and freedom, jointly promote the building of a community with a shared future for humanity, determinedly defend the authority of the UN Charter and coop-eratively observe true multilateralism. For the past 50 years, the Chinese people have promoted economic and social development, with overall na-tional strength continuously on the rise; knowing all too well the value of stability, they have followed an inde-pendent foreign policy of peace, stood firm for justice and resolutely opposed the practices of power politics. China has stayed true to the purpose and prin-ciples of the UN Charter and upheld its central role in international affairs.     

西部生态环境问题及对策

我国西部地区生态环境脆弱 ,近年来由于经济发展过程的一些不正确行为 ,使得西部地区生态环境问题日趋严重。中央提出西部大开发战略 ,在西部开发中生态环境的保护必须予以高度的重视。目前西部生态环境问题恶化的原因 ,除气候的因素致使西部生态问题脆弱外 ,更与长期以来的鼓励人口增殖政策和政府的政策不力有关。要保证西部大开发不以牺牲环境为代价 ,必须一靠政府有效干预 ,正确引导 ;二靠加强技术进步 ,转变资源配置方式 ,此外 ,还要牢固地树立“可持续发展”观念     

The Debate over ‘Universal Values’ in China

This article analyzes the background and significance of ‘universal values’, which have emerged and been debated in China over the last two years. Interest in this topic originates from the increased international mindset and the intensified call for political reform at the start of the twenty-first century. The cooperative approach of the leaders of the Communist Party of China regarding international affairs, as well as the spread of the Internet, has also provided conditions for the formation of ‘universal values’. Such an ideology has been criticized by conservatives. The debate has focused on whether democracy, liberty, human rights and humanities are universal values shared by all human beings. It marks a step forward in the awareness of democracy for the Chinese people.     

New Vision for Peaceful Development

In his speech at the UN Office at Geneva four years ago,President Xi Jinping raised two critical questions:"What has happened to the world and how should we respond?"To this day,these questions remain valid.The world is undergoing a bevy of changes,many of them unseen in the past century.The novel coronavirus disease is yet to be contained and humans are standing at a crossroads,faced with some tough choices.Cooperation or confrontation?Openness or isolation?     

在第八次中日韩领导人会议上的讲话

文在寅总统,安倍晋三首相:欢迎你们来到成都出席第八次中日韩领导人会议。成都是一个古老而现代的城市,不仅拥有着深厚的历史文化积淀,而且是中国西南地区创新和开放重镇。《三国演义》里蜀国的精彩故事、旅居成都多年的唐代“诗圣”杜甫在韩、日为人熟知,韩、日两国僧侣也曾在这里留下求法修行的足迹。     

近年来党内民主与人民民主关系的研究综述

党内民主和人民民主是社会主义民主政治的基本内容,如何处理二者的关系是近年来学者讨论的热点问题。有的学者强调要发挥党内民主对人民民主的示范和带动作用;有的则提倡发挥人民民主对党内民主的推动作用和辐射效应;还有的学者突出二者的交互作用,认为二者要协同发展,不可偏废其一。其中,在党内民主与人民民主结合点的问题上,不同的学者也提出了不同的看法。     

协商民主的内在关联性及其定位——基于中西方协商民主发展的环境视角分析

协商民主是实现人民民主,发展社会主义民主政治的一种新型的民主范式。比较分析西方协商民主发展的背景和中国协商民主推进的动因,可以发现在中国民主化进程中,协商与民主"分"的可能性和"合"的现实性以及两者间不必然的关系,在此基础上明确协商民主在中国民主化进程中的定位。     

The tangled web: does the internet offer promise or peril for the Chinese Communist Party?

This paper seeks to address the divide between political rhetoric and reality on the question of the impact of the Internet on China. Many politicians and pundits steadfastly promote the Internet as a conduit for democracy, without empirical proof to support their statements. Nowhere is this more apparent than in the debate over information technology and the Internet in China. The Chinese Communist Party is employing a number of approaches to control the Internet, from introducing numerous regulations to encouraging self‐censorship, with some success. This paper will examine state‐coordinated measures to control the use of the Internet, look at how the Internet could be making CCP rule more effective, and consider the validity of the argument that the Internet represents a threat to CCP rule.     

Public Support for Democracy in China

It is clear that public support for democracy is high in China. Public opinion surveys show that more than 90% of Chinese citizens believe that having a democracy is good. But the majority is not yet ready for a major effort towards democratization because they still see economic growth and social stability as more important than freedom of speech, political participation, and other democratic rights. However, more and more people are growing up with the belief that political rights and freedom supersede economic wellbeing or other materialist goals. In 15–20 years, Chinese society will be dominated by people with such beliefs. We can be cautiously optimistic about the prospects for democratic change in China.