历史记忆、仪式场景与社群整合:新加坡华人社群保护神崇拜

传统民间信仰是新加坡华人社会生活的重要组成部分,对移民时代以来当地华人社会与文化形态的构建亦有重要意义。这种意义不仅表现在一般意义上的宗教文化形态和宗教功能,而且还体现于新加坡华人社会建构的社群整合之中。对新加坡华人社群保护神信仰的考察分析结果表明,华人传统民间信仰与华人社会结构存有紧密的内在关联,这种关联往往会与祖籍地缘、血缘、业缘乃至方言认同纽带一起并行不悖地共同发生凝聚华人社群认同的整合功能,成为维系其自我群体认同的重要文化纽带之一。而其实现这种功能的有效路径则来源于华人移民社群祖籍历史记忆和本土历史记忆的传承延续与反复强调,以及宗教信仰仪式展演场景下群体互动和新生集体记忆塑造中的情景认同感与归属感。     

欧洲穆斯林问题的三个维度:阶级、身份与宗教

有关欧洲穆斯林问题的大量研究,往往都关注穆斯林群体在西方世界中身份的建构以及伊斯兰文明与西方文明的紧张关系。但这些分析可能恰恰制造了某种盲区,因为它忽略了文明冲突表象下的阶级问题,也忽视了少数族裔的极端暴力行为所具有的政治意义。本文认为,今日欧洲的穆斯林问题,不仅仅是宗教导致的身份认同危机以及由此带来的恐怖主义问题,而且还是福利国家中的阶级压迫以及西方代议制民主危机的结果。所谓文明冲突,很可能是少数族裔、移民群体无产阶级化的结果,而不是源于欧洲穆斯林整合困境的深层次的原因。而从阶级分化这一因素出发,我们可以摆脱将宗教视为自然属性的偏见,从而深刻认识到伊斯兰教对于外籍劳工在经济、文化和社会联系上的意义。宗教和身份与其说是人的自然属性,不如说是成长于特殊经济基础之上结合独特文化元素的产物。因此,以一种基于阶级、身份等多维度而展开的更为丰富立体的视角来分析欧洲穆斯林的问题,将有助于研究者摆脱简单的印象式、描述式研究的局限,从而避免倒因为果的危险。     

法国“伊斯兰恐惧症”的症结与出路

2015年以来,在一系列恐怖袭击之后,“伊斯兰恐惧症”在法国不断泛化、外溢,穆斯林群体和主流社会陷入双重困境。穆斯林群体生活更为艰难,对世俗社会的认同每况愈下;而法国政府在穆斯林问题上也面临两难境地。“恐伊症”或者说法国的穆斯林问题,反映和折射的是法国政治、经济和社会文化的整体性问题和挑战,亟须整体性的认知和解决思路。本文认为,法国穆斯林移民群体人口的快速增长及其社会后果、移民融入模式的困境以及所谓两个“平行世界”的不平等,尤其是政治资源上的不平等,构成了法国“恐伊症”的重要根源。而化解现实存在的社会群体间政治经济差异及不平等,建立一个更加和谐、富有希望的法国社会,才是解决法国穆斯林问题的正道。法国的“恐伊症”是欧洲穆斯林问题的一个缩影,对这一问题的探讨不仅具有学理价值,更呈现出普遍的现实意义。     

欧洲穆斯林“头巾事件”:代际差异与社会融合

自20世纪80年代以来,穆斯林移民的融合问题就成为欧洲各国政府面临的难题。穆斯林妇女坚持佩戴"头巾"挑战了"学校乃世俗场所"的欧洲主流社会价值观。但是,欧洲穆斯林并不等于伊斯兰极端分子,他们的举动与其生存状况密切相关。欧盟各国普遍存在着移民家庭子女受教育程度低、失业率高、遭受歧视严重、街区贫困化加剧等问题。在欧洲长大的穆斯林移民子女追求更为"纯洁"、更"正统"的伊斯兰运动,不仅是出于对父母传统的拒绝,更是对边缘化的社会经济地位的一种抗议。穆斯林移民的融合之路异常艰难,欧洲各国政府均在探索之中。欧盟委员会认为移民"融合"是一个双向过程,其基础是合法移民和客居国之间相互的权利和相应的义务。而金融危机使移民就业遭到歧视,宗教问题与经济发展问题纠结在一起,使社会矛盾格外复杂。此时,提出"平等"、"文化对话"、"文化多样性"的倡议尤为可贵。     

浅析法国的国家与社会关系

今天法国的国家与社会关系与第五共和国之初相比,已经发生了巨大变化。社会影响国家的主要途径有两种,一是公民团体参与公共政策的制定、影响公共政策的执行;二是通过超出公民团体的“爆发性”的社会运动(罢工、游行示威、暴力冲突等方式)来实现利益的表达,向国家施加压力。总体而言,今天的法国,这两种方式并存并将在长时间内共存。但是,公民团体的发展令人瞩目,并越来越成为影响国家公共政策的重要力量。此外,欧洲一体化的进程也对法国国家与社会关系的发展产生了一定的影响。     

全球化进程中的华人离散社群问题探讨

本文在回顾国内外学术研究的基础上,探讨了全球化进程中的族群离散及全球化与华人离散社群的关系问题,着重考察和分析了华人离散社群的文化内涵以及政治认同与文化认同的分合,揭示其本土化与跨国性的一些历史含义,指出在全球化多重语境下华人离散社群出现了认同的流离和转向。     

欧洲公共领域建设视角下的欧盟制宪过程

欧洲公共领域是一个欧洲范围内超越民族国家边界就欧洲人民面临的共同问题进行意见交流、沟通、讨论、辩论的空间。伴随着欧盟的制宪过程,欧洲公共领域建设问题引起了人们的广泛关注。欧盟制宪不仅仅是宪法的制定与表决,从更宽泛的视角来理解,它是包括了一系列议题的复杂过程,涉及到的欧洲政治和社会问题的广度和深度是前所未有的,它对于培育欧洲的公共领域和欧洲公民意识有积极的推动作用。     

公共政策制定过程中公民参与的困境及改革对策

一、公共政策制定过程中公民参与的必要性与现实意义随着民主政治建设的推进，我国公民的参政议政意识逐步增强，人们越来越多地关注与切身利益相关的公共性问题，如社会治安、环境污染以及住房、就业等。对这些问题的关注，让人们对政府公共管理能力，尤其是对公共政策的科学制定等环节产生了极高的期望。     

俄罗斯人认知中穆斯林概念的缺失

尽管世居穆斯林的人口比例相当高,尽管今日的车臣等穆斯林地区已经成为世界关注的焦点,俄罗斯人却很少提及伊斯兰教文明,在俄罗斯人的认知中缺少穆斯林的概念,穆斯林并没有很重要的地位,更没有成为文明冲突的一方。在俄罗斯学者的笔下,穆斯林只有“鞑靼人”、“山民”和“吉尔吉斯人”。在俄罗斯人的心目中,穆斯林文化是落后的,习俗是古旧的,是终将被东正教或工业文明取代的。这种对穆斯林认知中存在的缺陷也是俄罗斯棘手的民族问题产生的重要原因。     

土耳其的欧洲身份认同与入盟问题

长期以来,欧盟既不愿接纳土耳其,又不愿放弃。不愿放弃是因为土耳其在欧亚大陆的地缘战略重要性十分突出,欧盟出于地缘与安全上的考虑,始终对土耳其有一种需求;不愿接纳是因为双方在历史、政治文化和宗教观念上存在着深刻差异,土耳其的欧洲身份认同在宗教、文化层面上面临难以突破的困境。接纳穆斯林国家土耳其入盟将是对欧洲观念和欧盟性质的一个挑战,意味着欧盟将超越基督教文化传统,需要对自身的认同重新定义。本文拟从身份认同的视角来解释土耳其入盟所遭遇的这种困境。加入欧盟是土耳其国家发展的战略选择,土耳其建构欧洲身份认同的努力已经在其政策实践中体现出来,并在一定程度上得到了欧盟的认可。2005年10月4日,欧盟正式启动与土耳其的入盟谈判,土耳其入盟初见曙光。     

Millionaires and the public in Czech politics

This article relies on a unique survey of Czech millionaires and the general public to probe the nature and extent of the differences in opinions between these two groups and their correspondence with public policy. Its main finding is that millionaires are substantially more right-wing than the public on economic issues and somewhat more internationalist on foreign affairs, though a number of areas of agreement can be found as well, particularly assessments of the problems facing the country. Most surprisingly, the opinions of the public appear more likely to correspond with policy than those of millionaires. These findings have important implications for the rise of populism and the quality of democracy in the Czech Republic.     

日本企业培养技能型人才特点与多元化模式

在国家创新体系中,技能型人力资本无疑作为科学技术知识的生产者和传播者发挥着重要的作用。近年来,日本企业培养技能型人力资本表现出大企业青睐专门技能学校毕业生、企业培训与公共职业培训紧密结合、由员工本位主义向以企业本位主义转型、企业日益重视员工职业培训等新特点。日本企业培养技能型人才不仅继续发挥在职培训、脱产培训、自我开发、函授培训和轮岗培训等传统模式作用,而且还创新了GPC和工业学园等新模式。日本相关经验启示我国也要重视和加强企业技能型人才培养、注重企业培训与公共职业培训相结合、不断创新企业培养技能型人才模式。     

Public and private higher education in South Africa in the context of the African renaissance

Abstract

This article examines the concept of higher education as a public good in relation to the currently evolving interface between public and private higher education in post‐apartheid South Africa. In order to illuminate the significance of the particular ways in which this public‐private divide is unfolding, the first part of the article sketches the history of the emergence of higher education from the South African public and private elementary and secondary education system, and reaches some conclusions about the social, political and economic considerations that drove the emergence of this dualism in the colonial era and during apartheid, and the emergent assumptions on education as a public good. Making use of Amartya Sen's thesis of development as the expansion of freedoms, the second part constitutes an examination of the manner in which the liberatory agenda of post‐apartheid education policy is shaping the current articulation between public and private higher education in South Africa. This is specifically with respect to issues of access, funding and knowledge acquisition and production. This article makes observations, not only about the consequences for development of the particular ways in which the public‐private divide is evolving and how the nature of the interface connects with issues of the public good in education, but also about the degree to which the drive for the marketisation of education is impacting on current understandings of education as a public good. In the very last section, a South African case study is used to provide broad commentary on the nature of the public‐private interface that may benefit development in the context of the African Renaissance.     

The Colonial Strut: Australian Leaders on the World Stage

In his influential account of modern nationalism, Benedict Anderson emphasises the role of the press in creating a sense of "imagined community". But the nation's identity is also constituted through the performances of representative nationals for an international audience. The visits of Australia's political leaders to London and Washington are carefully stage-crafted events, designed to elicit, or at least create an impression of, a favourable reception by its "great and powerful friends". This essay examines the international debuts of several Australian political leaders from Alfred Deakin (1887) and Robert Menzies (1935) to Bob Hawke and John Howard. It focuses especially on the interplay between the leaders' private and public selves; how they have crafted their public appearances and utterances to capture the attention of the desired international audience, and how their performances have been seen by the audience that, in the last resort, mattered most to them, the Australian one.     

Public Opinion in Japan and the Nationalization of the Senkaku Islands

This article examines the role of public opinion in Japan in directly influencing the Japanese government’s decision to nationalize the Senkaku Islands in 2012. The public mood in Japan is becoming increasingly nationalistic. Although this does not immediately mean the return of militarism in the country, such a mood is especially evident with respect to China. The nationalization of the Islands took place within this nationalistic domestic environment. In the case of the nationalization, public opinion was channeled most notably through Tokyo Governor Ishihara. His plan to purchase the Islands and strong public support for his plan eventually forced the central government’s intervention. Prime Minister Noda simply could not force Ishihara to give up his plan because going against such a popular politician who was enjoying strong public support would almost certainly have caused a strong public backlash and resulted in electoral punishment. On the other hand, Noda was also concerned that Tokyo’s successful acquisition of the Islands would lead to severe criticism of his government for not properly protecting Japan’s territorial integrity. There was also a more serious concern that Ishihara’s control of the Islands might lead to a change of the status quo and thus dangerously provoke China. Therefore, Noda had no choice but to intervene and nationalize the Islands. If he was also seeking to mobilize public opinion in his favor, he was not entirely successful.     

Uneasy Partners Against Crime: The Ambivalent Relationship Between the Police and the Private Security Industry in Mexico

Legitimation is a fraught process for private security companies operating in Mexico and other countries in the Global South where the police have a poor reputation. Mexican private security companies have an ambivalent relationship with the police, which causes firms to engage in two seemingly contradictory practices. Companies attempt to gain legitimacy by aligning with the image of the police to earn a sense of “symbolic stateness” while simultaneously distancing themselves from Mexico's actual police forces so as to disassociate from the institution's poor reputation. Consequently, collaboration between public and private security is limited, despite official attempts by the Mexican state to foster positive contact between them. Overall, this study contributes to the growing literature on private security by providing novel insights into the strategies private security firms utilize to navigate within states possessing delegitimated security forces, and the resulting lucrative political economy landscape.     

Filling the Moral Void: The Christian Right in Singapore

In March 2009 a group of Anglican Pentecostal women took over the Association of Women for Action and Research, a secular women's rights group in Singapore. This sparked an intense month-long public debate over a variety of issues which included the increasing aggression of the “Christian Right,” the secular nature of public space in Singapore, sex education and tolerance for gay communities, culminating in state intervention. While conventional sociological studies have suggested a variety of explanations for the growing presence of Pentecostal Christians in the public sphere, such as religious stratification or their links to party politics, few have examined it within the framework of nation-building. This paper seeks to understand the recent emergence of the “Christian Right” and its exposition on various moral issues within a historical context – a context from which the People's Action Party government successfully arose, in part, due to its self-construction as a moral state, and argues that the post-industrial challenges of globalisation have forced the government to be less morally conservative, resulting in a perceived moral vacuum which certain segments of Pentecostal Christians have felt compelled to fill.     

中国与东南亚交往的民间桥梁:东南亚国家对华友好协会中的华人角色分析

在今天中国与东南亚国家间越来越频繁和多样化的交流活动中,东南亚各国的对华友好协会是这个地区发展对华关系的重要民间桥梁,而华人精英则不同程度地在各自的协会中扮演着重要角色。他们有的在前台起主导作用,有的在幕后起主导作用,有的担任辅佐角色,也有协会华人尚处于缺位状态。在中国与东南亚国家的公共外交中,各国的对华友好协会可以作为公共外交的平台发挥积极作用。     

The fire,the star and the cross: Minority religions in medieval and early modern Iran

The article focuses on the imam-hatip (prayer leader/preacher) schools, explaining Kemalist education reforms, documenting when, why and how the imam-hatip schools were established, measuring the changing popularity of these schools and evaluating whether the schools constitute a threat to the principle of secularism. Graduates of the imam-hatip schools have formed new generations of Islamists demanding the Islamization of the state, not recognizing the secularist regime and supporting Islamist FMEparties. This article illustrates the relationship between Kemalism and pro-Islamic public education.     

韩国人对华负面认知与中国对韩公共外交途径

中韩两国关系自建交以来在许多方面取得了飞速发展,但近些年,两国关系由"暖"变"冷",原因是多方面的,其中韩国人对中国形象的负面认知,产生了很大的负面影响。对此,我们不能视而不见或避而不谈,而应积极加强对韩公共外交,促进两国友好关系顺利发展。韩国是中国的重要邻国,中韩两国关系良好发展的意义不仅局限在两国关系上,它对于改善东北亚地区的安全局势也具有不可忽视的作用。本文主要就韩国人对中国形象的负面认知及其对中韩关系所起的负面影响作用以及应对之策,做简要分析和探讨。