Security in Asia: Roles and tasks for Japan and the US

Beyond any doubt, Japan and the United States share common security interests in Asia and must take active measures to strengthen their alliance, because their alliance is the foundation for Asia's peace and prosperity, argues Motohide Hashimoto. Hashimoto is a senior research fellow at IIPS who was seconded from the Ministry of Finance, where he is a specialist in fiscal and monetary policy. He worked at the Defense Agency's Bureau of Defense Policy from 1990–1992.     

2004年台湾地方领导人选举和美国对台政策

布什政府第一任期初始 ,对台湾政策进行了一些调整 :布什表示要尽其所能协防台湾 ,并加强了美台关系 ,尤其是军事关系。这在实际上鼓舞了台独势力。陈水扁 2 0 0 3年 9月推出台独时间表以来 ,布什政府的政策又有新的调整 ,强调维护台湾海峡地区的稳定。在布什政府第二任期中这也还是它的政策趋向。台湾问题是危险的 ,但在今后数年中仍有可能遏制法理台独 ,不发生向着台独发展的重大事态     

美国安全战略的新解读--《21世纪美国安全战略与中美关系》评介

美国是当今世界惟一的超级大国,在世界政治、经济与安全事务中居主导性地位,对国际体系结构、国际格局、国际战略形势具有举足轻重的影响.中美关系是中国对外关系中的重中之重.由于中美两国实力对比的非对称性特点,美国的全球战略及其对华战略不仅决定着中美关系的走向,而且直接涉及到中国在世界舞台上的和平崛起.正因如此,对美国国家安全战略的研究一直成为国内外国际关系学界的热门课题.     

Special Issue Introduction: Domestic Politics in Japan and Sino-Japanese Relations

The Sino-Japanese relations have again reached to the lowest point since Koizumi’s rule. Contrary to the conventional literatures which explaining the dynamic relation from the international dimensions, this special issue highlights the different domestic actors in Japanese politics who contribute significantly to the foreign policy-making process, notably regarding Japan’s Chinese policies. While there is a significant rightward shift in domestic politics and a growing discrepancy between central and local level politicians, the quest for discursive power between the opposing camps in the relevant areas will heavily determine future Sino-Japanese relationships.     

China and the Worldwide Search for Oil Security

The notion of oil security on a global scale is problematic because of the diverging perspectives with which oil-importing countries and oil-exporting countries view energy security. Oil-importing countries are interested in “oil supply” while oil-exporting countries focus on “oil demand.” This leaves ample space for major powers to maneuver within the complex political-economic dynamics associated with oil trade. China has been no exception.

This commentary addresses the international debate that has emerged concerning the geo-strategic and geo-economic motivations behind China's pursuit of offshore oil supply. By examining China's oil-related overseas investments in Sudan we shed light on some of the business and political complexities associated with the China-Sudan relationship. In the view of many Chinese observers, Sudan has in terms of oil exploration been a Chinese success story while in the view of many foreign observers, China's dealings in Sudan are the very reason why China has faced harsh international criticism of its overseas oil operations.

Instead of debating whether or not China has the right, just as all oil-importing countries do, to pursue its own route to oil security we encourage oil-importing countries to re-examine the existing mechanisms of oil trade. It is in the interest of China as well as the established economies to collaborate in shaping a new global structure for oil trade.     

国内政治与南海问题的制度化——以中越、中菲双边南海政策协调为例

本文通过对中越、中菲南海政策协调的分析表明,三方在功能性问题上存在着极强的合作可能性。但功能性问题的特点是容易产生矛盾。在对主权存在不同主张的情形下,由于担心资源开发的收益分配不公平,深化合作的政治基础并不牢固。越南和菲律宾由于人地资源矛盾突出,对海洋资源的渴求显著强于中国,其南海政策极易获得国内的高度支持,这是越南和菲律宾不会在南海争端中让步的原因,也是其面对日益强大的中国仍表现强硬的根本原因。中越在南海问题上的双边制度化程度要高于中菲,其原因在于中越之间存在更紧密、更深入的关系,多个议题制度化的成果及经验外溢到南海领域,使双方高层在战略上容易达成共识,并对两国的国内决策和执行产生强大的约束力。理解越南和菲律宾南海政策的差异,还需要挖掘两国更多的国内政治经济因素。越南、菲律宾政府各自都面临着来自国内利益和相关部门的挑战。可以预计,国内利益多元化将使其南海政策更加难以协调。     

"美国对华政策与美国国内政治"学术研讨会综述

2007年3月24日至26日,由中美关系史研究会、浙江工业大学外国语学院、中国社会科学院美国研究所联合举办,浙江工业大学外国语学院承办的“美国对华政策与美国国内政治”学术研讨会在杭州浙江工业大学举行。来自全国各地30多个学术研究机构和大专院校的70多位从事美国问题及中美     

Japan and China: Security interests in the post-Cold War era

This article examines the role of Japan in relation to China’s security interests in the post-Cold War era. The first section assesses Japan as a potential security threat to China at a time when Japan appears to be re-emerging as a great power. It analyzes the possible rise of nationalism in Japan today, including discussion of China’s dispute with Japan over the Diaoyu Islands. The second section looks at how Japan can actually enhance China’s security interests, particularly in the economic sphere. Japan’s contribution to China’s modernization drive is assessed. It is argued that Japan seems to enhance China’s security interests more than it poses a threat, partly because of the economic benefits China derives from trading with Japan, and partly because Japanese foreign policy has hitherto been kept in check by the U.S.-Japan Mutual Security Treaty.     

The Four Principles that Formed the Basis of Friendly Relations between Japan and China: The China Policy of the Nakasone Yasuhiro Government

This article examines Nakasone Yasuhiro’s policy toward China as a politician, including his remarks in the Diet before appointment as prime minister as well as exchanges with Chinese leaders during his prime ministership. Nakasone raised Japan-China relations to a level called a “honeymoon” in the 1980s, at which time the four principles of Japan-China relations were shared and there was the prospect of continued friendly relations into the 21st century. Behind the emergence of this era was not only Japan’s support for China’s economic development through ODA, but also the closeness of the stances that both Japan and China held toward the Cambodia and Korean Peninsula issues at the end of the Cold War. This may have been because there was the possibility for both parties to share information and mutually support each other. Nakasone actively talked not only with Hu Yaobang but also leaders such as Deng Xiaoping and Zhao Ziyang. However, as Nakasone’s partner Hu Yaobang was dismissed and the Cold War approached its end, the “honeymoon” between Japan and China came to an end, and the four principles by Nakasone and Hu gradually became just one frame of history.     

Regionalism and Domestic Politics: U.S.-Latin American Trade Policy in the Bush Era

With remarkable success, Latin Americans have sought to impose their free trade policy agenda on a very reluctant and internally fractious United States. They have an ally in President George W. Bush, whose senior appointments notably support hemispheric trade integration even as political pressures sometimes have yielded protectionist outcomes. Bush's trade negotiator, Robert Zoellick, pursues a doctrine of competitive liberalization while accepting some linkage between trade and social and political goals. In negotiating the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA), the administration will have to balance many domestic pressures without alienating Latin America. Ultimately, FTAA ratification will signal a new Western Hemisphere economic-security alliance for the twenty-first century.     

Policy Experimentation and the Emergence of Domestic Voluntary Carbon Trading in China

As China has become the largest greenhouse gas (GHG) emitter in terms of total annual emissions, to promote GHG emissions reduction in China turns out to be crucial to the success of the global efforts to address climate change. This paper explores the development of the Chinese Domestic Voluntary Carbon Market (DVCM) in order to understand how carbon trading institutions have emerged and developed in China. To do this, it traces and analyzes the roles of the Chinese government and other key actors. Through process tracing and literature review, it argues that the pre-legislation and territorially fragmented development pattern of the Chinese DVCM has resulted from the activities of Chinese local governments and non-state actors under the policy experimentation approach adopted by the Chinese central government. It concludes with brief comments on the Chinese policy experimentation approach, and suggests that some measures can be taken to promote voluntary emissions reduction and policy learning.     

新冠疫情背景下中日韩粮食安全合作的空间与战略

具有不同资源禀赋的中日韩三国,原本存在着不同程度的粮食安全问题.新冠疫情冲击了国际粮食产业链,干扰了世界粮食生产与贸易的正常运行,使得中日韩三国的粮食安全问题再度凸显.尽管中日韩已初步构建起政府间粮食合作机制,但存在机制议程化现象和农产品保护主义盛行等诸多问题.新冠疫情推动了经济全球化向本土化、区域化方向的转变,促使中日韩三国更加深刻地意识到彼此间高度相互依赖关系的同时,也提升了中日韩粮食安全合作的必要性与紧迫性.三国应共同努力,从供给、流通和市场三个层面扎实推进实质性的合作进程.     

Parsing Pegasus: An Infrastructural Approach to the Relationship between Technology and Swiss Security Politics

How do technologies matter for security politics? This article introduces the kind of arguments an infrastructural approach would focus its answer on. It illustrates how the approach would work by focussing on how the spyware Pegasus developed by the Israeli company NSO matters for Swiss security politics. It follows the infrastructural approach showing how and why it would tend to three things primarily: the politics of the infrastructures Pegasus is inscribed in, the politics of the processes of infrastructuring the software generates and the infrapolitics that sustain and transform these processes and infrastructures. The article also discusses the strengths and weaknesses of infrastructural approaches, underlining that since they are relational, processual and radically open epistemologically and ontologically, infrastructural approaches are suitable for opening new agendas, re‐problematising and re‐imagining the politics of security technologies. They are less suited for studies premised on a fixed understanding of the politics of security technology.     

中日青少年交流回顾与思量

新中国成立后中日青少年交流从无到有、由浅入深、由点及面全面铺开,经历了起步、兴盛和平稳发展3个大的阶段。中日青少年交流主要有交流范围和领域不断扩大,交流密切度与政治关联极大,交流丰富多彩、形式多样,着眼长远,走向机制化以及矛盾与发展相辅相成5个显而易见的特点。两国青少年交流对两国政治、经济、文化等各个方面都有很大影响,最突出的表现为有利于拉近两国国民距离,增进国民感情;有利于减少两国民间误解,增强政治互信。展望未来两国青少年交流,两国应该采取着力建立中日青少年交流长效机制、进行正确的历史观教育、加大两国留学生交流等对策。     

In Search of Alternatives: The Making of Grassroots Politics and Power in Argentina

This article analyses ethnographically the reconfigurations of the state and relations of power through their dynamic interactions with subaltern alternatives that emerged in the 2001 uprising in Argentina. In this regard, it counters influential interpretations of these events articulated within John Holloway’s framework of ‘anti‐power’, which ignores the reconstruction of the state, and rank and file trade unionism. The article concludes that intensified class and political struggles in the region offer new spaces for contesting hegemonic reinventions of populism and ‘top‐down’ socialism in Latin America.     

冷战后日本与东盟地区安全合作的限制因素分析

东盟和日本作为东亚地区体系的重要参与者,二者关系的发展与变化影响东亚未来的安全走向.冷战后,日本和东盟都奉行“综合安全”的观念,安全目标的重叠构成二者合作的基本条件.然而二者因原动力即各自利益追求不同而导致追求安全的目标以及路径也有所区隔.认知差别、权力结构和规范因素构成了限制二者合作的三个主要变量.在不同程度上三个方面的问题与二者获得综合安全的路径相互影响.而二者在多边安全合作对话平台中的摩擦与分歧恰可作为安全合作挑战的注脚.