19世纪英国中产阶级女性研究

正中产阶级是19世纪英国社会的领跑者,中产阶级女性是女性运动的先驱,她们的家庭、社会地位直接反映英国社会权力分配、家庭文化、价值理念和社会的进步与文明的发展。本书在19世纪英国中产阶级文化模式下,系统研究英国中产阶级女性在家庭私人领域和公共领域的活动状况、地位和作用的变迁,分析女性主义理论和女性主义运动的特点和影响,     

基于危机预警的社会矛盾化解机制构建：以上海为例

社会矛盾转化为群体性事件是结构性危机要素、突发性危机要素和过程性危机要素共同作用的结果，其中结构性危机要素和突发性危机要素是危机形成的必要而非充分条件，过程性要素是危机爆发的重要决定因素。上海的主要社会矛盾都属于非对抗性的人民内部矛盾，但对抗性有增强的趋势，而且多种主要社会问题碰头叠加、相互交织，社会风险日趋严峻，呈现...     

美国次贷危机:背景、原因与发展

本文首先从美国金融市场的结构、次贷与证券化的关系两个方面介绍了次贷危机发生的背景,并解释了RMBS、CDO与CDS等在危机中扮演着重要角色的衍生金融产品;在此基础上,本文详细剖析了次贷危机的爆发与传递过程,认为次贷危机迄今为止经历了流动性短缺、信贷紧缩与实体经济萎缩三个阶段;最后,本文总结了次贷危机给全球金融市场、投资者以及中国政府提供的经验教训。本文截稿时,两房危机刚刚浮出水面。发稿时,随着美国保险集团(AIG)频临破产和美国政府7000亿美元救市计划的提出,美国金融危机进入了一个新阶段。美国经济已陷入1929年以来最严重的危机。     

特朗普政府对缅甸罗兴亚危机的政策

自2017年8月缅甸新一轮罗兴亚危机发生以来,特朗普政府通过一系列政策声明、情况说明、特别简报会等方式阐述美国的政策取向和立场,展开美缅双边及国际多边危机应对外交,进行紧急人道主义援助,以及对缅甸军方的追责制裁。特朗普政府积极利用罗兴亚危机推行美国的"印太战略"。总体而言,特朗普政府的罗兴亚危机政策体现出高度的现实主义和实用主义特征。特朗普政府的罗兴亚危机政策是"美国优先"国家安全战略下的外交政策产物,同时服务美国"印太战略",旨在防范和遏制中国提升在缅甸的影响力。     

乌克兰危机中的政治算术

乌克兰危机爆发以来,不断有西方学者撰文称中国是乌克兰危机的最大赢家。笔者对此质疑,希望通过分析乌、俄、美和欧盟在危机中的利益得失,探讨这一有争议的话题。当然中国也在重点分析之列,尽管中国不是危机的参与方。事实上,中国因乌克兰危机遭受了巨大的现实利益损失,危机也确实给中国带来了某些有利态势,但仅仅是一种态势,远未真正转化为实际效益。在危机中,乌克兰损失惨重,欧盟和俄罗斯各有得失,美国利用各方矛盾施展巧实力,但或许也存在战略误算。西方与俄罗斯的对抗客观上促使中俄加速接近,但就此推断中俄将结盟对抗美国,未免有些草率。     

高等教育如何摆脱危机

对教育危机能等闲视之吗? 高等教育是社会的一个重要组成部分。当前,在我国社会动荡的形势下,在高教领域也出现了不少问题亟待解决。但迄今为止,仍有很多高校工作者(包括领导人员和普通教职工)看不到问题的严重性。他们认为,我国的高等教育具有牢固的基础、良好的传统和光荣的历史,因而只须把它的表面粉刷一下,即只要使它稍加完善就行了。但我却要提醒这些人:这样做是绝对不行的,因为我国的高等教育已经陷入了危机。在我国,这几年来人们对教育事业已经不象以前那样关心了。如果说还表现出一点兴趣的话,那也只是仅仅限于日常生活的范围之内。譬如说,在家庭中遇到有关孩子升学的问题     

美国学界政界对乌克兰危机的反应与思考

乌克兰危机爆发后,美国学界和政界对此进行了全面深入的讨论。该危机促使美国对其对俄政策,尤其是2008年俄格战争以来的对俄政策进行反思。许多美国人质疑俄罗斯在乌克兰行为的合法性,危机也加深了美国民众对普京的负面印象。美国专家学者提出的应对措施主要涉及政治和军事领域,但在经济方面,并没有提出对乌克兰复兴来说极为重要的大规模的有效的经济援助计划,这反映了美国外交政策的困境。此次危机凸显了东欧的重要性。未来,美国更有可能采取一种太平洋和大西洋的平衡战略。     

国际危机研究述评

危机冲突与战争无所不在。在今天的核时代 ,危机升级为战争的风险性增加 ,和平弥足珍贵。虽然防止危机的发生和结束国际社会中的冲突现象似乎是不可能的 ,但对它们进行有效的处理 ,以减少战争的发生是一个值得尝试的政策目标。因此 ,学者们从各个角度对国际危机展开了研究。本文从危机、危机管理 /处理以及危机决策等层面出发 ,对国外及中国学术界的危机研究情况进行了述评。需要说明的是 ,本文所指的危机是国际政治中的军事安全危机     

西欧政党政治的危机与解析

有西欧现代政治核心之称的政党和政党政治 ,如今遭遇了一场从思想、组织、功能到运行格局的全方位危机。该危机不是由于传统政党的故步自封引发的 ,而是由于社会结构、时代发展和民族国家的巨大变化 ,由于大众传媒、非政府组织等新中介的挑战以及主流政党的自我变革带来的。从整体上观察 ,该危机超出了“卡特尔政党模式”的限制 ,但本质上不是民主价值观的危机 ,而是政党这种民主机构在“民主社会民主化”过程中的危机 ,具有从间接民主向直接民主转型的性质。危机的发展方向带有某些不确定性。     

欧洲难民危机政治影响的双重分析

史无前例的欧洲难民危机对欧洲国家和欧盟的政治生活,产生了重大影响。尤其是科隆集体性侵案发生以后,欧洲难民危机的政治影响更加显著。在欧洲民族国家的层面上,难民问题导致选民基础发生急剧变化,选民分裂与对抗加剧、反伊斯兰化的团体势力正在壮大、反移民的极右翼政党迅速崛起,慷慨接纳难民的欢迎文化备受质疑,接纳难民的政治决策正在发生逆转。在欧盟的层面,欧洲难民危机进一步加剧了欧洲联盟政治根基的脆弱性,让欧盟基本的价值理念如自由、平等、民主、人权以及国际条约的约束力遭受重大冲击,疑欧主义政党迅速崛起,某些国家的脱欧倾向明显,欧盟面临着解体的巨大风险。     

Headlong into the Polanyian Dilemma: The Impact of Middle-Class Moral Panic on the British Government's Response to the Sub-prime Crisis

This article focuses on the discursive construction in Britain of a middle-class moral panic occasioned by the distress caused to self-styled 'responsible mortgage borrowers' by falling house prices. In the context of the move towards asset-based welfare the sub-prime crisis manifested itself most obviously in the popular consciousness as a threat to housing market wealth. The Labour government used the political space opened up by the narrative of middle-class moral panic in order to protect banks' balance sheets from the consequences of their own failed investments in mortgage-backed securities. The ensuing arrangements immunised banks from the implications of market self-regulation in the first-phase response to the sub-prime crisis while simultaneously allowing them to continue to impose the experience of market self-regulation on their customers. An increasingly asymmetric approach to banking regulation has arisen analogous to that which Karl Polanyi associated with the contradictory co-existence of market and non-market forms.     

The Role of Professionals in Policy Reform: Cases from the City Level,São Paulo

A new generation of social policies in Brazil and elsewhere in Latin America are being read by scholars as first and foremost the result of top‐down initiatives by state elites and technocrats. This article explores what role, if any, middle‐class professionals have played and how this role might be framed in analytical terms. The article examines the trajectory of two of the most important new social programs that target the poor in the city of São Paulo, Brazil: the family health program PSF and Renda Mínima. It compares the city‐level reform dynamics that have shaped the trajectory of the programs over 18 years. It finds that networks of reformist middle‐class professionals that traverse public and private institutions played a substantial role in the creation and evolution of the new programs.     

Cross-Border Families in Hong Kong: The Role of Social Class and Politics

The massive relocation of industrial activities from Hong Kong to mainland China that followed in the wake of China's acceptance of foreign investment has given rise to two different sets of cross-border familial relations. In the first case, middle-class managers and technicians from Hong Kong have taken “second wives” during their stay in southern China. Hong Kong's mass media have been generally tolerant of this second-wife phenomenon, seeing it merely as a case of funglau (sexually potency), justifying it in terms of middle-class men's “soft spot,” and blaming the first wives for neglecting their duties. In the second case, workers from Hong Kong have crossed into the mainland in search of spouses because they believe that women in China are more affordable than those in Hong Kong. Hong Kong's restrictive immigration policies result in these mainland wives and children having to wait for ten years or more before receiving a one-way permit to migrate to Hong Kong. When they do arrive in Hong Kong, they have been discriminated against and condemned as causing Hong Kong's social and economic problems. This article examines how social class and politics have affected the way in which the mass media and the Hong Kong government have dealt with these two sets of cross-border families.     

The Dual Discourse About Peruvian Domestic Workers in Santiago de Chile: Class, Race, and a Nationalist Project

This article examines the functions of the "dual discourse" about Peruvian migrant domestic workers in contemporary Santiago. A 2002 field study found that middle-class employers of Peruvian workers simultaneously praised them as superior workers and denigrated them as uneducated and uncivilized. While this response is not unique to Santiago, this study argues that it fulfilled particular ideological functions in this context. The praise served to discipline the Chilean working class, who middle-class employers claimed no longer knew their place. The epithets served as a foil for Chilean national identity. Stories about Peruvians serve as tools in ongoing ideological contestations over class, race, and nation in Chile and, at the same time, shape the working conditions and integration of the migrants themselves.     

Austerity versus pragmatism: a comparison of Latvian and Polish economic policies during the great recession and their consequences ten years later

ABSTRACT

Despite many initial similarities, Latvia and Poland represent two opposite extremes in terms of practical and theoretical approaches to the economic crisis. The Polish government applied a ‘pragmatic’ approach to fight the recession, based on expansionary fiscal policies and currency devaluation. Conversely, the Latvian administration opted for the Austerity and internal devaluation strategy. Consequently, the objective of this paper is to analyze, from the perspective of political economy, the strategies chosen for the economic crisis management and their effects in Latvia and Poland, in light of the main EU narratives about its causes and responses. The research contends that the economic performance of both countries during the crisis was due to their respective economic structures. On the one hand, Poland is a bigger, more diversified and industrialized economy, with fewer channels of vulnerability and could apply expansionary policies effectively. On the contrary, the economic model established in Latvia generated a high exposure to external shocks, in particular, with a double vulnerability in the banking sector. In this context, due to internal and external motives, the Latvian government decided to apply the austerity and internal devaluation strategy, worsening the economic decline and the subsequent recovery.     

A tide that does not lift all boats: the surge of remittances in post-disaster recovery in Tacloban City,Philippines

For the last forty years, remittances have been a lifeline for some Filipinos in times of crisis as well as everyday life. So, it was no surprise when the media and nongovernmental organizations credited the Philippine diaspora with playing a significant role in post-disaster recovery after Typhoon Haiyan/Yolanda struck in 2013. While remittances poured in after this disaster, they were differently experienced, had different impacts, and led to uneven post-disaster outcomes. This article highlights the class-based inequalities that structure access to and mobilization of remittances after post-disaster recovery. We compare the experiences of middle- and lower-class households in three communities heavily affected by Haiyan in Tacloban City, Philippines, to investigate who benefitted and who was excluded from remittances in this post-disaster recovery. The findings of the case study shed light on wider issues of poverty, class, and vulnerability in the Philippines.     

?Klassengesellschaftlichkeit�� nach dem Ende der Klassengesellschaft?

The new attention for (long time ??invisible??) social classes is related to an increase in the inequalities between rich and poor. Especially in Germany it seemed that (reinforced by sociological theories) the class structures were replaced by a ??middle-class society?? (Helmut Schelsky), by individualized social positions (Ulrich Beck) or by varying milieus. However, the class structures are also made invisible statistically. The structural role of the persisting dominant (even if often not experienced directly)??the distribution of the ownership of means of production??is manifested in the economic growth imperative, in the increasing concentration of capital, in the application of capitalist principles in other social contexts and in limited agency of non-economic fields, especially in politics. The existence of classes??contrary to popular perceptions??requires neither a collective class consciousness or class struggles, nor is it explained by the mere fact of social inequalities. A theoretical socio-economic analysis of the production and appropriation of values as a basic theory of social inequality is still missing.     

‘Social Investment’ or Back to ‘Familism’: The Impact of the Economic Crisis on Family and Care Policies in Italy and Spain

Family policies have traditionally been weak in Southern Europe. In the last two decades, however, and following a ‘catching up’ course, Spain has created new family programmes and expanded existing ones. Meanwhile, the picture for Italy during the years preceding the crisis is more of a ‘frozen landscape’. However, the diverging paths of the two countries in terms of policy reform in the years preceding the crisis do not place them in substantially different positions. The economic crisis and the austerity measures that followed have aggravated the weaknesses of family and care policies in both countries.     

In Search of Strategies to Face the Economic Crisis: Evidence from Greek Farms

This study examines the strategies – defensive or aggressive, individual or collective – undertaken by sheep farms in a Greek rural area in order to face the repercussions of the economic crisis and their effects on the productivity and economic performance of these farms. The article presents the results of a farm management survey conducted in 2010 and repeated in 2014 in northern Evros, Greece. The mix of strategies – mainly passive – adopted by farmers shows their confusion in the face of crisis conditions, which has resulted in reduced productivity, more use of family labour and a rise in collective actions.