俄国现代化道路探索——试析俄国社会革命党土地社会化纲领的命运

二十世纪初俄国社会党的土地社会化纲领,是社会革命党对传统民粹派思想的继承与发展,是从农民经济角度对俄国农业现代化道路的一种理论尝试与探索。它的提出使俄国民粹主义运动达到了一个新境界,为社会革命党适应变化了的革命形势,赢得农民的支持与拥护,为该党发展成为俄国第一大政治党派作了准备。自该纲领出台以来,俄国社会革命党人为了它的实现不断奋斗,但终究由于各种原因而未得以具体落实。虽然社会革命党土地社会化纲领最终并未真正实现,但其所包涵的积极意义和合理性因素不可抹杀,它们对俄国乃至世界其它后发国家的现代化进程都具有深刻的启示作用。     

语言哲学观照下的乔姆斯基与福柯关于人性和政治之辩

乔姆斯基和福柯是两位伟大的思想家和激进的批评家。然而，他们在人性和政治方面的认识存在着很大的差异。本文试图揭示他们各自所持的语言哲学观与他们关于人性和政治的不同见解之间的关联性。乔姆斯基传承了语言、思维和世界合一的语言哲学观，认为人性中存在着内在语言、本能知识，并追求人性与正义在社会中的充分实现。福柯是后结构主义者，延续和发展了语言是思维与世界的中介的语言哲学思想，认为话语、权力和知识紧密交织。人性、正义是人自己创造的观念，并非科学的概念，正义只不过是权力斗争的工具。乔姆斯基关于人性和政治的看法是乌托邦和理想主义的，而福柯则带有虚无主义和反传统色彩。双方的思想有长有短，但他们用不同的方式都对人类的自由、尊严和解放，以及社会进步做出了巨大的贡献。     

从追求"强国"地位到更加关注"民生"——解读普京总统的国情咨文(2000-2006年)

国情咨文不是一般的工作报告,它反映一个国家领导人的政治思维和治国理念;也是观察一个国家政治、经济和社会的一个窗口.追求"强国"地位和解决"民生"问题一直是普京国情咨文的两条主线.     

中国共产党执政理念的更新和领导价值取向的转换

从革命党向执政党的转换,是中国共产党90年历程中的一次重大转折。随着这次转折,我党的执政理念和领导价值取向也实现了重大的更新和转换。以中国特色社会主义为政治目标价值取向的确立标志着我党执政理念的成熟,以经济建设为中心价值取向的确立,实现了从以政治斗争为中心向以经济建设为中心的执政理念的转换。社会主义核心价值体系的确立,...     

俄罗斯知识分子与布尔什维克

俄罗斯历次沙皇专制体制内自上而下改革的失败和完全缺乏西方式的市民社会的现实,规约了俄罗斯知识分子将以舍我其谁的责任感承担起推进和完成现代化的使命。由此,他们开始组织化,从知识精英走向政党精英。而后,布尔什维克又从革命党成为执政党。但布尔什维克并没有摆脱俄罗斯知识分子那种由历史文化传统模塑的充满悖论的文化特质的影响,对自身文化缺陷和现代政党文化建设的必要性并没有引起足够的重视,这又一次使俄罗斯现代转型和自身角色转换陷入泥淖。     

基佐阶级斗争历史思想的演变

1814年波旁王朝在法国复辟,在法国历史上开始了一个政治反动时期。复辟贵族大肆捕杀过去的革命党人和拿破仑党人,而且掀起对法国大革命的思想围剿,以便为恢复革命前的旧制度作舆论准备。贵族的反动不能不引起资产阶级的反抗。法国资产阶级虽然被雅各宾主义吓坏,害怕新的人民革     

勃列日涅夫时期苏联知识分子的政治立场--剖析知识分子抛弃苏联的一个历史原因

随着苏联文化教育事业的发展,到勃列日涅夫时期,知识分子成为一个重要的社会政治阶层.但在这一时期知识分子遭受了种种不公正的待遇,这影响了他们的政治立场,使他们与苏联党和政府之间产生了隔阂与矛盾.到戈尔巴乔夫时期,在公开性与民主化的影响下,这种隔阂与矛盾突然间爆发出来,使知识分子成为苏联剧变的推动力量.     

苏共未能实现由革命党到执政党转变的表现及其后果

苏共建立了世界上第一个社会主义政权,成为世界上第一个执政的共产党。但是,在苏共执政的实践过程中,它未能实现从革命党到执政党的转变。这一客观事实主要表现为:在社会主义和平建设时期,革命时期实行的任命制、革命暴力手段和阶级斗争观以及革命思想意识得以延续了下来。而这些不可避免地带来了严重的政治后果。     

简论中世纪法国的城市权贵

在中世纪后半期,随着城市公社运动的兴起,城市权贵作为一个新的社会阶层开始出现。他们即不同于普通的城市民众,也在政治、经济和社会地位上与传统的封建贵族有着本质的差别。他们的命运与城市的公社制度紧密联系,随着公社的自治或部分自治,他们在法国政治、经济和社会的影响也随之扩大。而当王权加强,公社开始衰亡时,他们也逐渐淡出历史舞台。作为城市权力和经济的代表,他们的命运也是中世纪城市历史的缩影。随着他们的衰败,城市也逐渐走出中世纪,进入新的时代。     

民主转型环境下的当代马来西亚印度人族群抗争运动

1997年亚洲金融危机引爆安瓦尔事件,以此为契机马来西亚逐渐进入民主转型时期.当代马来西亚印度人是一个非常特殊的群体,作为马来西亚第三大族群却深陷族群困境之中.在民主转型的政治与社会环境下,他们逐渐觉醒并开始积极利用日益兴起的社会运动形式进行抗争,将自身的利益诉求融入马来西亚社会的民主诉求之中并得到巨大的社会支持,但两大运动未来的关系仍存在很多不确定性.     

Party,State and the Control of Information in the Lao People’s Democratic Republic: Secrecy,Falsification and Denial

ABSTRACT

Since taking control of Laos in 1975, the Lao People’s Revolutionary Party and the government of the Lao People’s Democratic Republic (Lao PDR) have relied heavily on secrecy, denial and information management and control to govern. These tools have been used for presenting the Party and state as united in support of the country’s one-party communist political system and as being the only real political option. This article presents a number of examples of the particular ways the Party and state have done this. The following are discussed: the little-known rift between the “Red Prince” Chao Souphanouvong and Kaysone Phomvihane; conflict between the Lao PDR and Vietnam and China; the anti-Lao PDR insurgency; calls for political change via the “Social Democratic Club” in 1990; unsuccessful student protests for political change in 1999 and 2009; the forced disappearance of Sombath Somphone; and recent attempts to control social media to publicise anti-government viewpoints. Secrecy, falsification and information management and control have important implications, both with regard to conducting research about Laos and in relation to how outsiders tend to analytically frame the study of Party and state.     

Bringing the Revolution to the Countryside: Rural Health Programmes as State‐Building in Post‐1952 Bolivia

Bolivia's Movimiento Nacionalista Revolucionario (Revolutionary Nationalist Movement, MNR) took power in April 1952 via a popular social revolution. After 1952, the party implemented state‐sponsored modernisation projects, including extending rural public health programmes. The MNR used health programmes to change rural practices, cultivate political loyalty, and expand the state's political power. Yet rural indigenous communities were hardly passive recipients of these programmes. These communities often requested government services, and they borrowed the MNR's own political rhetoric to position themselves as worthy of state attention. Public health programmes increased access to rural health care, but they also allowed state officials and rural communities to negotiate the MNR's authority.     

Preserving Non-Democracies: Leaders and State Institutions in the Middle East

Authoritarian elites often prolong their tenure in office by engaging in wholesale institutional change. Whether inherited or created from scratch, state institutions in non-democracies are meant to solidify elite cohesion and political control, pacify potential opponents, and create coalitions that support the state. Nevertheless, autocrats keep a watchful eye on these institutions, and if they change internally in directions that may seem threatening to state leaders, the institutions are changed or even disbanded. Change to the institutions of the non-democratic state is caused by a combination of deliberate decisions and institutional crafting by state leaders on the one hand, and by institutional layering and changes initiated from within the institutions rhemselves on the other. As the cases of the National Assembly in Kuwait, the Revolutionary Command Council in Egypt, and the Revolutionary Council in Iran demonstrate, when and if state institutions become inefficient or are seen as a threat by authoritarian leaders, then state leaders once again take control in determining their shape and configuration. Non-democracies are often preserved through purposive institutional change.     

Paradoxes of electoral authoritarianism: the 2015 Ethiopian elections as hegemonic performance

The 2015 elections in Ethiopia had a predictable outcome, showing an entrenched system of one-party dominance that self-referentially enacts the political order created by the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) since 1991. EPRDF spokespersons continued to defend the party’s hegemony as inevitable, grounded in a logic of technocratic authority and with reference to ‘stability’ and ‘development’. This paper describes the electoral process not in the light of democracy theory but of hegemonic governance theory. Elections seem to have lost relevance in Ethiopia as a means of political expression and are only important as a performance of hegemonic governance and as ‘global impression management’ – showing state skills in securing a smooth electoral process as a major organisational feat in itself. Contradictions that the political process creates between the Ethiopian party-state and domestic constituencies, and between the attitudes/policies of certain donor countries, are downplayed or avoided, but problematic in the long run.     

Conceptualising Party-State Governance and Rule in Laos

ABSTRACT

This article develops a framework for conceptualising authoritarian governance and rule in the Lao People’s Democratic Republic. After introducing the national and academic context, which go a significant way towards understanding the paucity of comparative political work on Laos, we propose an approach to studying post-socialist authoritarian and single-party rule that highlights the key political-institutional, cultural-historical and spatial-environmental sources of party-state power and authority. In adopting this approach, we seek to redirect attention to the centralising structures of rule under the Lao People’s Revolutionary Party, illustrating how authoritarian institutions of the “party-state” operate in and through multiple scales, from the central to the local level. At a time when the country is garnering greater attention than at any time since the Vietnam War, we argue that this examination of critical transitions in Laos under conditions of resource-intensive development, intensifying regional and global integration, and durable one-party authoritarian rule, establishes a framework for future research on the party-state system in Laos, and for understanding and contextualising the Lao People’s Revolutionary Party regime in regional comparative perspective.     

The Transition from Armed Opposition to Electoral Opposition in Central America

After the third wave of democratization swept much of the world during the late twentieth century, many armed opposition groups disarmed and transformed themselves into political parties. This paper explores the electoral performance of four Central American parties that have roots in armed opposition movements. It finds that the Sandinista National Liberation Front in Nicaragua and the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front in El Salvador, which achieved the greatest success during their revolutionary periods, have also had the most success in electoral competition. The Guatemalan National Revolutionary Unit and the Democratic Unification Party of Honduras, which trace their roots to relatively less successful armed opposition groups, have struggled in elections. Organizational factors, especially the number of combatants and popular support during the conflict, tend to provide a better explanation than institutional factors for the initial success of these groups as political parties.     

The Revolutionary Guards: from spoiler to accepter of the nuclear agreement

The objective of this study is to understand the shift in the nuclear policy of the Islamic Republic Revolutionary Guards (IRGC). As a military organization considered to be the steward of the nuclear programme, the Revolutionary Guards turned into spoilers on the few occasions when the pragmatists in Iran tried to negotiate a deal with the international community. In a surprising shift, the Guards’ nuclear policy changed and supported nuclear negotiations and the nuclear agreement. It is assumed that the IRGC is more interested in its economic ventures than in promoting the nuclear project. To test the hypothesis, the present study is designed to provide a rigorous empirical examination of the economic impact of the sanctions on the Revolutionary Guards.     

Political citizenship in Britain and Germany

A return to the theoretical wots of the concept of political citizenship justifies extending our attention to institutions outside the strictly political sphere. Social institutions in countries with corporatist histories, like Germany, remain important not only to the attainment of social citizenship but also to the exercise of political voice. Because the means of voice in Germany and Britain, or political citizenship, are the products of unique historical trajectories, the challenge of European integration is conceptually distinct for each. Thus, path dependent processes of democratisation may affect not just the likelihood but the normative significance of future choices.     

Beyond polarity in Zanzibar? The ‘silent’ referendum and the government of national unity

On 31 July 2010 the Revolutionary Government of Zanzibar held a referendum to decide on the government of national unity so as to end the impasse between the two main political camps, each dominating one of the two islands of Unguja and Pemba. The outcome of the referendum was that the majority of Zanzibaris voted in favour of the government of national unity. This article revisits how the referendum was carried out in terms of observing the basic principles of a democratic referendum and whether the referendum would be a panacea for the polarisation between the two islands. The main argument held here is that the referendum fell short of observing some of the basic principles of a democratic referendum since it systematically suppressed the voices of those who opted for a ‘No’ vote. Besides this, the government of national unity created after the referendum was in essence the unity of the two major political parties, namely the Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) and the Civic United Front (CUF). Relatedly, some of the fundamental issues causing polarisation are yet to be tackled, a situation which, if not addressed in time, would make this polarity a likely facet of Zanzibar's future politics.     

Some Soviet works in Arabic

Nahnu wa‐'1‐'Arab 1988, We and the Arabs, 1988 (Moscow: Progress Press, 1988; 220 pp.).

Z. Gafurov, is entitled, ‘Problems of War and Peace and Contemporary Revolutionary Democracy’ (pp.21–40);

Vladimir Mikhaylov's Irhabiyyu al‐Mosad, The Terrorists of the Mossad (Moscow: Progress Press, 1987; 174 pp. Also published in Russian).

G.I. Mirskiy's al‐Jaysh wa’ 1‐mujtama'wa‐’ 1‐siyasa fi al‐buldan al‐namiya, Army, Society and Politics in the Developing Countries (Moscow: Progress Press, 1987; 228 pp.).

al‐'Alaqat al‐Sofyetiyya al‐Libiyya, Soviet‐Libyan Relations (Moscow: Progress Press, 1986; 213 pp.)

A. Shvyedov and V. Rumyantsiyev, also published in Russian in the same year. Its eight chapters are arranged chronologically, ending with a list of events, 1917–86 (pp.203–12),

Buhuth Sofyetiyya jadida fi al‐adab al‐'Arabi, New Soviet Studies in Arabic Literature (Moscow: Progress Press, 1986; 215 pp.)

Institute of Ethnography in the Soviet Academy of Sciences, entitled ’Alam al‐Badw, The World of the Bedouins (or: Nomads) (Moscow: Social Sciences Press, 1986; 213 pp. Soviet Ethnographic Studies, 2).

Idiyulujiyat al‐dimuqratiyya al‐thawriyya al‐Ifriqiyya, The Ideology of African Revolutionary Democracy (Moscow: Social Sciences Press, 1983; 140 pp.).

al‐lttihad al‐Sofyeti wa‐Ifriqiyya, The Soviet Union and Africa (Moscow: Social Sciences Press, 1983; 160 pp.).

Shamal Ifriqiyya: al‐tatawwur al‐mu'asir, North Arfrica: Contemporary Development (Moscow: Social Sciences Press, 1987; 192 pp.)

Al‐Qadiyya al‐Filastiniyya: al‐'udwan wa‐'l‐muqawama wa‐subul al‐ taswiya, The Palestinian Problem: Aggression, Resistance and Ways of Settlement (Moscow: Social Sciences Press, 1983; 230 pp. = Soviet Orientalism, 3)

Vladimir Belyakov, a newspaperman and radio commentator. Writing on ‘The Soviet Union and the Palestinian Revolution’ (pp.215–28),

Buldan al‐Sharq: al‐siyasa wa‐'1‐idiyulujiya, Countries of the East: Politics and Ideology (Moscow: Social Sciences Press, 1985; 220 pp. = Soviet Orientalism, 4)

Abhath jadida li‐'l‐musta'ribin al‐Sofyet, New Studies by Soviet Arabists have been published so far in three volumes.⁸ The first (Moscow: Social Sciences Press, 1986; 261 pp.= Soviet Orientalism, 5)

Aleksiy Vasil'yev's Misr wa‐'l‐Misriyyin, Egypt and the Egyptians (Moscow: Progress Press, 1989; 387 pp.).