关于提升我国商业银行核心竞争力的思考

本文对我国商业银行竞争力的现状、差距进行了分析 ,提出了更新观念、树立现代商业银行的经营理念、全面提升我国商业银行核心竞争力的设想 ,并对提升我国商业银行经营素质和增强其核心竞争力进行了探讨。     

民营企业人力资源管理的不足与对策

人力资源是民营企业的核心资源,人力资源管理中存在的问题,如,管理理念落后;缺乏人力资源管理的战略规划;机构设置不到位,缺乏专业的人力资源管理队伍;强调管理,激励手段单一;培训机制不健全;人才结构单一,人才流失严重;等等,越来越成为民营企业进一步发展壮大的瓶颈。加强民营企业人力资源管理,赢得并保持民营企业在未来企业发展和人力资源竞争中的优势,是当前我国民营企业在发展过程中急需解决的问题。     

组织视角下人力资源管理及跨边界角色生成机制

人力资源管理作为现代企业组织系统中的一份子,在维持传统角色的同时,其功能范围日益拓展,跨边界角色日益明显,逐渐成为促进组织协调、实现整体职能优化的重要部门。因此,为提升现代企业的人力资源管理水平及核心竞争力,就必须立足企业组织协同整合视角,仔细分析我国企业人力资源管理的现状,充分发挥企业人力资源管理在企业管理中发挥跨边界的协同整合效用,尽力优化企业人力资源管理跨边界角色生成机制。     

论高校实施知识管理的有效策略

在当今知识经济时代,知识管理成为提高高等学校核心竞争力的关键因素。我国高校在实施知识管理过程中还存在着许多问题。如何实施知识管理的策略,是高校面临的一个十分重要的问题。     

完善民营企业人力资源管理的思考

人力资源管理已成为地区经济发展和企业战略管理的重要内容。我国民营企业实施人力资源管理战略存在外部制度性障碍,同时企业在实施人力资源管理过程中存在诸多内部问题。政府应当主导制度创新改善人力资源管理实施的外部环境,民营企业应当普遍变革其内部人力资源管理制度,才能提高我国民营企业人力资源管理的水平。     

我国农业科技推广中农村人力资源开发研究

知识经济时代下农业发展的根本出路在于科技进步,科技进步的核心生产要素是人力资源,而目前我国农村人力资源开发中,仍然存在结构不合理、综合素质低下、行动力不足等阻碍农业科技推广前进步伐的问题。只有加快农业科技创新与推广,加强农村人力资源开发,改善农村劳动力结构,提高农村劳动力综合素质,加强软、硬件设施建设,转变农业生产观念,增强农民科技意识,提高农民行动力,才能真正实现农业科技发展、农业产业提升、农民收入可持续稳定增长。     

对广电集团人力资源管理的思考

人才结构不能适应产业化、集团化发展需要，人力资源存在结构缺失以及过时的管理模式等，是目前我国广播电视集团人力资源管理中面临的共同问题。由于长期以来对广播电视从业人员的管理是行政命令式的，重身份、档案、级别，采取的是一种标签式管理，由此产生的机构臃肿、岗位职责不明确、人浮于事等不良现象，严重制约着从业人员能动性和创造性的发挥，限制了广播电视集团的发展。我国广播电视集团要想在激烈的市场竞争中立于不败之地，就必须在先进的人力资源管理理念的指导下，形成一套与国际接轨的人力资源管理制度，造就一批有国际视野和水准的人力资源管理队伍，创建新的富有竞争力的人力资源开发和管理体系。     

阐述人力资源管理中绩效考核与激励制度

人力资源作为现代社会企业发展的核心推动力量,其管理已经成为现代企业管理的核心和重要组成部分.从人力资源管理的绩效考核与激励制度方面对人力资源管理进行阐述,进而提出提高企业管理水平具体措施,以达到增强企业的核心竞争力和企业盈利能力的目的.     

新时期高校人力资源的开发创新

从高校人力资源管理的特点和我国现阶段高校人力资源管理中存在的问题入手,分析并提出了我国高校人力资源管理改革的途径:即转变人才管理观念,建立人才的竞争激励和流动机制,从而有效地激发员工的积极性。同时对新时期我国高校的人力资源管理创新的必要性进行分析,并在此基础上提出了我国高校人力资源管理开发创新的初步构想。     

论私营企业的激励机制

随着我国改革开放的不断深入和经济的飞速发展,人力资源管理在私营企业管理中的地位和作用日益增强,而采用员工激励机制提高企业竞争力已成为当今我国私营企业的必要选择。本文首先通过对私营企业员工激励机制现状进行分析,从而对私营企业激励机制所处的现状有了更深入的认识;其次,明确指出了私营企业激励机制存在的问题。最后,根据存在的问题提出了相应的调整措施,使其能够更大程度地激励员工,从而形成一套良好的激励机制,增强私营企业的综合竞争力。     

Tony Blair's 'Media' Speech: The Commentators

Tony Blair's speech challenged the media over its standards in his valedictory lecture. Many of his charges about the absence of balance, attacks on motive and a pack mentality stand up, even if some are exaggerated and also applied well before his arrival in 10 Downing Street. Mr Blair's solutions did ot match his critique. What is required is a more self‐questioning media, being held to account on the internet and on specialist blogging sites. Vigorous criticism, requiring justification, is a more credible rout than tighter regulation. Tony Blair's speech on the changing pressures on the media is both interesting and convincing in its diagnosis (although generally reported in ways that did not reveal this). It is less convincing in suggestions for change: the fact that on‐line media will fall under Of‐com, and so under its minimal ‘content regulation’ will have little impact. Effective change could begin with other types of (self or other regulation). Some steps towards change might include minimal requirements for journalists and editors to accept elementary forms of accountability, such as disclosing conflicts of interest and payments made for ‘stories’. The scale of media coverage may be crucial in determining the allocation of aid, yet the attention the media pays to particular causes is arbitrary. Many serious disasters are not reported and as a consequence do not receive adequate aid, so that the victims of the crisis will lose out. Chronic long term problems, like famine, are ignored in favour of ‘sudden emergencies’. Reporting seeks sensation and simple stories which influences the way that aid agencies respond to the media. The complex background to a faraway disaster is often overlooked and not properly reported. Tony Blair's speech describing some of the news media as ‘feral beasts’ contained one paragraph which contained an insight into his views on new media. It was known that the outgoing Prime Minister was uncomfortable with some aspects of new technology but his remarks reveal a wider disappointment with how new media has failed to deliver changes which he had hoped for in political communications.This paper records Mr Blair's problems with new media and argues that by focusing on how the new technologies might provide a better way for politicians to by‐pass the traditional media he has missed the point of their wider benefits.     

The Strange Career of British Democracy: John Milton to Gordon Brown

Political debate in modern Britain has been structured by four narratives or traditions, called here ‘Whig imperialist’, ‘Tory nationalist’, ‘democratic collectivist’ and ‘democratic republican’. The Whig imperialist tradition goes back to Edmund Burke; it is a tradition of responsive evolution, flexible statecraft, genial optimism and abhorrence of dogmatic absolutes. It prevailed for most of the nineteenth century, for most of the interwar period and for most of the 1950s and early‐1960s. Its Tory nationalist counterpart is tense, rebarbative and often shrill. At its core lies a primal fear of the dissolution of authority and a collapse of the social order. Its most notable exponents include Lord Salisbury, Enoch Powell and Margaret Thatcher. The democratic collectivist tradition stresses ineluctable progress towards a just and rational society, to be achieved by a strong, essentially technocratic central state, with the power and will to replace the wasteful, unjust chaos of the market place by planned co‐ordination. Formative influences on it were the great Fabian socialists, George Bernard Shaw and Sidney and Beatrice Webb; it achieved its apotheosis under the Attlee Government of 1945‐51. The democratic republican tradition is much more inchoate: its exponents have been the awkward squad of British democracy. The most glittering stars in the democratic republican firmament were probably John Milton, John Stuart Mill and R.H. Tawney. It stresses active self‐government and republican self respect, embodied in a vigorous civil society and strong local authorities. During the ninety‐odd years since Britain belatedly acquired a more‐or‐less democratic suffrage, the first three traditions have all been tested, almost to destruction. But though the fourth has had great influence on social movements of all kinds, governments at the centre have done little more than toy with it, usually for brief periods. The great question now is whether Britain is about to experience a democratic republican moment.     

Trustworthiness: the Commentators

Mark Thompson deplores the decline in the public trust of government and of public service institutions such as the BBC. But there has also been a decline in another form of trust: government's trust in the ability of professionals such as doctors and teachers to deliver high quality public services. And, unlike Thompson's type of trust, this decline was inevitable, because it was based on untenable assumptions concerning professional motivation. The author discusses the importance of trust in an unwritten constitution, including trust in the use made of public resources, trust that appointments are being made on merit, trust that the civil service is ‘speaking truth unto power’ behind the scenes and ultimately trust that it retains the ability to serve future governments. In a world where trust in institutions is diminishing, there are still surprising levels of trust in the world of private philanthropy. The public are only too ready to give donations without seeking to question, especially in the wake of major disasters. Yet the nature of aid agencies has changed dramatically in the past thirty years into major global enterprises with sophisticated media and marketing operations. In this case a greater degree of scepticism from those who donate and paradoxically less trust might actually result in better outcomes from aid and better use of funding. Trust is critical to the mission of the FCO. The public needs to trust the competence and sound judgment of the professional diplomats. The diplomats themselves need to be able to rely on the commonsense of their fellow colleagues. Ministers and diplomats need to trust each other. And other governments need to have confidence in the discretion of their British counterparts. This is an increasing challenge in the world of instant news. Trust can be quickly lost by indiscreet or self‐serving revelations. But the key is to be as open and transparent as possible about the processes of diplomacy. A new survey commissioned by the British Journalism Review demonstrates that public confidence in journalism has collapsed over the last five years. This is particularly true for the commercial broadcasters ITV and Channel 4, whose journalism has traditionally commanded as much public esteem as the BBC. Trust in the BBC and print journalists has also declined, and journalism suffered more than any of the other 16 occupational groups being assessed. This is partly due to the cumulative effect of various “fakery” scandals that have afflicted broadcasters over the last 18 months and partly down to a more widespread cynicism directed at those in authority.     

The Language of Race

The 1991 Census form for households in Great Britain included, for the first time, a question about ethnic group. The question had nine boxes, eight for named ethnic groups and one for 'any other'. One box had to be ticked for each member of the household. Brian Klug discusses his own reaction to the (so-called) ethnic question, and explains why, as a Jew of European extraction, he did not tick the box marked White. He examines several issues raised by the ethnic question, including the following: why this question is different from other questions on the form; the definition and use of the words 'racial' and 'ethnic'; the vocabulary of colour ('black', 'white' etc.) in the language of race; the idea that 'white' is an ethnic category; the claim that the ethnic question is an instrument for combatting racism; one proposal for improving the question by removing the 'racial' components in the categories.     

Guest editor's introduction

In 1933 the army of the nascent Iraqi state launched an exterminatory attack on members of the Assyrian community who had fled to Iraq during the First World War. 'The Assyrian affair' which at the time sent shock-waves around the world has now been largely forgotten. But an examination of its origins and causation reveals much about the nature and pattern of modern genocide. Levene argues that typecasting genocide as the outcome of prejudice, racism or even xenophobia, while these may be significant ingredients, proves to be insufficient as a comprehensive explanation. Rather, these factors need to be analysed within the context of an emerging international system of nation-states. This itself may be a factor in helping to catalyse the most extreme and radically ideological responses, especially from new and untried national elites seeking to overcome perceived obstacles to their state's development and genuine independence.     

'Shovelling out your paupers': The British State and Irish Famine Migration 1846-50

Gray considers the determinants of British policy towards emigration (and particularly towards state-assisted 'colonization') from Ireland during the Great Famine of 184-50. He surveys the idea of 'colonization' as advocated by Charles Buller in 1843, and its varying appeal (changing over time) in Ireland, Britain and the settlement colonies of the British empire. He also considers the issue in the light of pro- and anti-Malthusian interpretations of Irish population pressure, and the emergence of the alternative idea of 'internal colonization'. Gray argues that the failure of the state to adopt an emigration policy in 1846-50 as part of its response to the Famine was the consequence of a combination of anti-Irish prejudice in Britain and the colonies (which was sharpened by the arrival of large numbers of economic refugees in 1847 and the political conspiracies of 1848), and the prevalence of an economic doctrine that prioritized the need for Irish self-help and moral transformation over state assistance. He traces the debate over colonization within the Whig government headed by Lord John Russell, and concludes that some form of assisted emigration was a feasible policy measure, and that its rejection had adverse consequences in terms of additional famine mortality.     

Beyond the ‘Auschwitz syndrome’: Holocaust historiography after the Cold War

ABSTRACT

The end of the Cold war has seen an explosion in Holocaust history, and some significant changes in the main historiographical explanations. The ‘return of ideology’ that began displacing the ‘functionalist’ or ‘structuralist’ dominance of the 1980s remains strong. But it is being supplemented by very detailed regional and local studies, by analyses of different experiences of ghettoization in different places, and by a focus on the widespread plunder and corruption that accompanied the killing process. This enormous attention to detail reveals that the Holocaust unfolded differently in different places; but it also demonstrates the existence of an overall framework in which all the operations took place, what we might call an ‘antisemitic consensus’. Simultaneously, historians have broadened the discussion of the Holocaust, situating it into a transnational or world-historical context of imperialism and colonialism. Stone outlines in broad brush some of these themes, and asks what effects they have had and will continue to have on Europeans' self-understanding in an age in which the post-war anti-fascist consensus has been dismantled while Holocaust-consciousness is officially enshrined into European identity.     

道德规范表现形式的历史演进

道德规范的产生和形成,有着深刻的社会经济根源,是由一定的社会物质生活条件和社会关系决定的。道德规范随着社会的发展而不断发展,具有历史性和继承性。在人类漫长的道德生活中,道德规范曾有过形态各异的表现形式,大体可以概括为图腾、禁忌、礼仪、风俗、箴言、准则、义务、责任等几种主要的表现形武。道德规范表现形式的历史演进,是一个由蒙昧到理性、由自发到自觉、由低级到高级的发展过程。     

On Public Action

Abstract

This essay explores Hannah Arendt’s contribution to our understanding of the rhetorical as opposed to the aesthetic quality of public speech, with an emphasis upon her conception of opinion and glory. Arendt’s focus on the revelatory quality of public action in speech is widely understood to preclude or seriously limit its communicative aspect. I argue that this is a misunderstanding, and that accepting it would reduce speech not merely to the discussion of a sharply limited set of topics, but to no topics at all. Public action is speech that reveals the speaker as “answering, talking back and measuring up to whatever happened or was done.” Such revelatory speech is most appropriately judged by the standard of the glorious and the inglorious. Because such speech must inform as well as reveals, so does glorious or great speech rise to the level of greatness in part because of what is said, to whom, where, and how. Arendt’s understanding of this is shown to have significant parallels to the ordinary language philosophy of Stanley Cavell.