东亚区域经济合作和美洲自由贸易区的比较

20世纪90年代以来,区域经济合作已成为全球经济一体化的主要实现形式。东亚与美洲无疑是全球区域经济合作引人瞩目的两个地区。本文把东亚区域经济合作划分为六种类型和层次,重点对东亚和美洲地区在区域经济合作和创立自由贸易区过程中经济发展水平差异、政治利益冲突、一体化模式的异同和区域合作等几方面进行比较,从而为中国全面了解和参与东亚和美洲地区经济一体化进程提供有益的参考。     

日本东亚经济合作政策新变化及其前景

新世纪以来,以"10 3"为主渠道的东亚区域一体化进程取得显著进展.在此背景下,作为亚洲区域合作积极倡导者之一的日本,推出EPA"行动计划",表明其区域合作政策出现一些新变化.日本调整东亚政策的主要意图是以扩大经贸合作深化与东盟的关系,以增加合作成员削弱中国在东亚合作问题上的作用,最终达到其主宰东亚区域一体化进程的目的.东亚地区各国经济差异较大,国家之间关系复杂,要想使区域合作进程完全按日本所期待的方向发展尚有不少困难.     

东亚区域经济整合及台湾参与问题

21世纪以来，在经济全球化和区域一体化的浪潮下，东亚区域经济合作发展迅速，并且呈现多种区域经济整合模式。在东亚区域经济合作中，台湾作为东亚地区较为重要的经济体之一，虽然积极争取参与东亚区域经济合作，但由于台湾问题的特殊性与政治的敏感性，一直处于东亚区域经济合作尤其是东亚经济一体化进程的边缘，也由此产生海峡两岸在东亚区域经济合作中的互动问题及台湾参与东亚区域经济合作的适当性问题。     

区域货币一体化与东亚货币合作

世界经济一体化和区域经济集团化的发展，必然要求区域货币合作。当前世界范围内的区域货币一体化主要以“欧元模式”和“美元化模式”两种途径推进。仿照欧元模式，创设东亚单一货币“亚元”是东亚各国长远的选择。但按照货币联盟标准，东亚单一货币的形成还缺乏必要的条件，因此，应当首先寻求趋同标准较高各国的小范围货币联盟，其他国家待条件成熟再陆续加入。     

共同文化认知是东亚一体化的基础

长期以来东亚缺乏一个真正的、泛区域的经济合作组织。近年来,在以东盟为主导、 以为基础、以为主渠道、以东亚峰会为重要补充的区域合作机制大框架下,东亚学界 积极探索多种形式的多边主义合作模式,共同提倡构建东亚一体化多边组织。中日韩三国已经在 构建东亚一体化的长远目标方面达成一致。中国主张维护东亚区域政治文化的多元化形态, 提出 和谐、双赢、多赢的共同观念, 以文化认知解读现代国际关系。东亚国家共同培育和塑造新的区域 文化认知,是重新考虑地区秩序和地区价值, 培育东亚共同体的必经之路。     

东亚一体化进程中的第二轨道外交

区域一体化和经济全球化是当前两股世界性潮流。东亚地区呈现巨大的多样性以及该地区文化规范偏好非正式性，阻碍了机制化的合作，但这恰恰为第二轨道外交发挥作用提供了舞台。东亚思想库网络作为东亚第二轨道的机构之一，致力于为东亚合作提供智力支持，其活动推动了东亚一体化进程。在东亚一体化进程中，第二轨道外交通过提供对话场所、产生新思想、培养合作习惯、培育共同体意识正发挥着独特而重要的作用。因此，我们应大力发展第二轨道外交。     

试析东亚的区域主义

区域主义是20世纪90年代以后国际政治发展的潮流,东亚也概莫能外.本文就东亚区域主义的发展进程进行分析,同时指出东亚区域主义发展的动力和特点.东亚是一个政治、经济、文化、宗教、社会都比较特别的区域,区域内的合作有着自身的困难,本文也在其发展的障碍和克服障碍的措施上做了探讨.     

我国东南沿海经济带在东亚经济圈的战略影响

经济全球化与区域经济合作已成为当今世界经济发展的两大主要趋势。区域经济一体化发展的态势表明,在区域经济一体化中,区域化与全球化可以趋于一致。区域经济合作是全球化的基础和有益补充。区域经济一体化不仅有利于区域内部的国家或地区的经济发展,同时也是世界经济全球化发展的推动力。有的国家把区域经济一体化作为实现本国结构调整、积极参与国际竞争的手段。这种新型的地区合作模式加快了世界经济全球化进程。我国东南沿海经济带是在经济全球化与区域经济合作快速发展中崛起,对国际区域经济一体化,特别是在东亚经济圈中具有重要的战…     

推进中日韩自贸区建设是中国在亚洲唯一区域战略选择

贸易一体化是包括中日韩在内的"异质"结构成员间区域一体化的初级阶段。中日韩自贸区启动将加速亚洲贸易一体化进程,或将改变东盟在亚洲区域合作中的主导地位,从而将亚洲的区域合作转变到大国主导的轨道上来。推进中日韩自贸区建设彰显了中国作为地区领导者的自信与风范,同时也是中国政府面对复杂国际国内形势做出的唯一区域战略选择。然而,中日韩之间的"强异质性"、美国主导的TPP对亚洲的渗透以及东盟主导的RCEP战略转变等,意味着中日韩一体化合作必将是一场超越经济的博弈。     

区域一体化的政治经济学分析:加勒比共同体案例CSSCI

20世纪50年代以来,全球已经历三次区域化浪潮,其中第三次浪潮仍方兴未艾。对于发展中国家而言,合作似乎永远是一个"政治正确"的选择,区域一体化总是受到学者和政治人物热捧。然而,发展中国家的区域一体化进展并不顺利,多数甚至连关税同盟都未完全建成,加勒比共同体是其中的典型,一体化说得多做得少。本文从政治经济学视角,将区域一体化定义为公共产品区域成员结构化共享,建立了以一体化程度为目标函数、以一体化收益和成本为约束条件的分析框架,对加勒比一体化现状进行了评估和分析。结果显示,加勒比一体化迄今仍停留于"纸面一体化",其根源在于一体化的收益与成本不匹配:一方面,一体化的规模经济效应与范围经济效应不明显;另一方面,克服经济制度和经济政策偏好异质性的成本高昂。此外,由于加勒比地区国家广泛存在主权迷思,区域机构得不到充分授权,公共产品供应能力受到限制,降低了公共产品区域共享收益。     

文化认同建构在欧盟一体化进程中的作用及其对东盟的启示

从成立于20世纪50年代的欧洲煤钢共同体发展到今天,欧盟一体化程度走在世界各区域一体化的前列,其推进的深度和广度令世人瞩目。文化认同建构在欧盟一体化进程中发挥着重要作用。他山之石可以攻玉,欧盟文化一体化进程对正在建设中的东盟有着重要的借鉴和启示意义。     

Conclusion – Building Regions from Below: Has the Time Come for Regionalism 2.0?

In a changing world ridden with crises and characterised by a general redistribution of power, regional organisations need to reinvent themselves. Equally, the study of regionalism has to reject its traditional Eurocentrism to embrace new conceptual categories in order to describe more effectively the variety of regional processes across the world. Against this background, this article looks at the European project and its current crisis before discussing other regional ‘experiments’ in Africa, Asia and Latin America, which rest on different principles but also manifest considerable shortcomings. The analysis points to the need to look at regionalism with a critical eye, emphasizing the undeniably important achievements but also the hidden threats that a certain model of regional integration (for instance, the classical top-down elite-driven process adopted by the EU founding fathers) can pose to the sustainability of regional cohesion and the adaptability of this model to other areas of the world.     

“Contingent power extension” and regional (dis)integration: China’s Belt and Road Initiative and its consequences for the EU

In this article, we explore the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) as a case of “Contingent Power Extension” (CPE) towards the European Union (EU), assessing its implications for regional (dis)integration in the latter. CPE is a conceptual prism that interprets the BRI as a polymorphous, dynamic, and context-specific mechanism through which Chinese foreign policy elites intend to convey, amplify, and legitimize the regime’s power-reach into other regions, including the EU. Along two examples—the 14 + 1 Cooperation Forum and the Port of Genoa in Italy—we examine the power dynamics of the BRI by tracing (a) the processual impact of power extension towards the EU and (b) the (un)intended consequences for the EU in terms of (dis)integration. The findings of our analysis provide an insight into the multicausal relations between the BRI and European (dis)integration not as a static outcome but rather as a contested process of struggle. The article concludes by discussing whether and how the EU can strengthen its own institutional foundations and use its systemic leverage to respond to the BRI while enhancing regional integration in the process.

     

欧洲煤钢联营及其对东北亚经济一体化的启示

在欧洲一体化的进程中 ,欧洲煤钢联营是最具有决定性意义的一步。从某种意义上说 ,欧洲一体化是以政治和军事需要开始的产业部门的联合 ,进而在其经验的基础上发展起来的全面联合。这一过程中 ,在机构、制度建设上 ,欧洲联邦主义人士的积极推动都起到了积极作用。展望东北亚区域经济合作 ,我们认为 ,为实现东北亚经济的一体化 ,在推进总体经济一体化的进程中 ,应同时考虑探索产业部门领域的联合。另外 ,为了东北亚经济一体化不致失败且长期发展 ,还应该建立超越各国利害关系的跨国性制度和机构 ,更重要的是还需要有一批为东北亚经济一体化而献身的人才。     

EU in ASEM: its role in framing inter-regional cooperation with East Asian countries

This study is an institutional analysis that aims at answering the questions: What are the underlying rules or principles of the existing structure within ASEM? What will be the results of functioning of this mechanism? What do these results imply on the future relations of the two regions? The institutional structure of ASEM is based on four main principles: promoting regional integration, enhancing multilateralism inside and outside ASEM, decentralizing transnational cooperation and promoting issue-specific dialogue, and basing all activities, dialogues and discussions on willingness of members. As a consequence, the functioning of this mechanism leads to consolidation of multilateral structure in East Asia as well as to a promotion of knowledge-based policy discussion. The ASEM process have not realized a partnership among equals; rather it put the European members in an advantageous position vis-à-vis the Asian partners because Europeans are well-coordinated, able to mobilize more resource and equipped with various expertise.     

Lessons of the European crisis for regional monetary and financial integration in East Asia

The debt crisis in several member states of the euro area has raised doubts on the viability of the European Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) and the future of the euro. While the launch of the euro in 1999 stirred a lot of interests in regional monetary integration and even monetary unification in various parts of the world, including East Asia, the current crisis has had the opposite effect, even raising expectations of a break-up of the euro area. Indeed, the crisis has highlighted the problems and tensions that will inevitably arise within a monetary union when imbalances build up and become unsustainable. This article discusses the causes of the current European crisis and the challenges that EMU countries face in solving it. Based on this analysis, it derives five lessons for regional financial and monetary cooperation and integration in East Asia.     

欧债危机与当前欧洲一体化面临的困境

欧债危机暴露了欧盟经济治理体系的内在缺陷,使得欧洲一体化建设面临严峻的挑战。伴随欧债危机的社会经济动荡和欧盟内部纷争将是近期欧洲政治生态的主色调。同时,欧债危机也促使欧盟内部、特别是欧元区必须加快财政经济政策一体化的步伐。完善和强化经济治理体系,意味着欧盟需要进行必要的条约修改,展现更强有力的政治意志,并需要推动政治联盟建设的配套措施。因此,欧债危机也可能成为深化欧洲一体化建设的催化剂和契机。     

东盟经济一体化的进程及前景

东盟成立于1967年8月，它从初期的5个成员国扩大到10个。东盟已覆盖了整个东南亚地区，成为拥有450万平方公里国土、5亿人口和超过7000亿美元国民生产总值的的区域性组织。东南亚10国联盟的最终形成，标志着东盟经济一体化的进程已迈出重要一步。但是，由于东南亚各国政治、经济发展极不平衡，加之来自西方的各种压力，东盟经济一体化进程一直面临着诸多问题与障碍。尤其是1997年席卷东南亚的金融风暴，从根本上打乱了东盟经济一体化进程的时间表，未来东盟经济一体化进程将面临严峻挑战。     

东盟区域经济一体化的格局及其影响

在全球性区域经济一体化的浪潮中,东盟区域经济一体化迅速兴起,该区域经济整合呈现出一系列格局性的变化。当前,东盟已成为全球区域经济一体化的重要力量。以东盟为核心多层次推进区域一体化进程,区域一体化体现多样性和开放性的特征,东盟在区域一体化过程中发挥着主导作用。随着东盟区域经济一体化的加速,各类自由贸易区的地缘经济与政治影响逐渐显现。面对着东盟区域经济一体化的新格局,我国必须积极调整亚太FTA战略,以应对新一轮区域经济一体化所带来的机遇与挑战。     

The EU in the Western Balkans: Enlargement as Empire? A Response to David Chandler

This article constitutes a response to David Chandler and his conception of the European Union's role in the western Balkans as a contemporary form of empire-building which he argues has deeply compromised the process of democratic institution-building in a still fragile region. It analyses his view that the EU enlargement process is entirely asymmetric in design and process and contends that there is ample room for candidate states both to contest EU demands and shape their own paths toward membership. This is entirely consistent with the evidence from the EU's previous enlargement, its most ambitious to date, which saw ten states from Central and Eastern Europe become members in 2004 and 2007. The EU enlargement regime is thus a tried and tested one and constitutes the most successful instrument in the EU's external relations toolkit. But it is now facing a challenge in the western Balkans that is manifestly more difficult than anything encountered in previous accession contexts. In particular, the problem of first order democratisation, extending to the practice of state-building, remains cogent and, in the fallout from the Kosovan declaration of independence all the more important in regional terms.