泰国他信政府"进取性"外交政策透视

他信政府上台执政三年多来,围绕恢复和发展经济这个中心任务,推行"进取性"外交政策.泰国外交关系全面发展,为国内经济恢复与发展创造了和平稳定的国际环境,开拓了国际市场,同时也使泰国的国际地位和影响得以全面提高,引起东南亚各国以及世界主要大国的关注.     

欧盟的全球政治角色:目标与限制

在扮演全球政治角色时,欧盟期望通过展现其规范性权力,利用制度与规范来影响其他国家,进而建构一个符合欧盟价值体系的世界观。对此,欧洲理事会曾发表欧洲安全战略相关文件,并强调国际合作、多边主义、睦邻与良治等观念。欧盟虽有市场经济规模与规范性权力,但其全球政治的影响力仍然受到限制,其原因在于:第一,欧盟虽为具有超国家性质的政治体,但仍带有民族国家色彩,因而在重大问题上无法达成共识;第二,欧盟缺少贯彻目标所需要的硬权力;第三,欧盟各国近年自顾不暇,作为"普世价值"榜样的条件逐渐减弱;第四,欧盟在全球事务中无法摆脱美国的影响力。     

The Reinvention of Kemalism: Between Elitism,Anti-Elitism and Anti-Intellectualism

This article probes the transformation of Kemalism to a xenophobic nation-statism with a strong anti-western animus diluting its self-styled westernism and elitism in response to the rise of the reformist-Islamist ruling JDP and its patchy liberal rhetoric and pro-EU stance. The article points to the novel qualities of the Kemalism of the 2000s but also attests to its inherent anti-elitist, anti-liberal and anti-intellectual nature that reigned in the 1930s given that the Kemalist project in the inter-war period involved the denunciation of the Ottoman establishment with its elite and intelligentsia and its replacement with an intelligentsia of its own that is acquainted with anti-liberalism, anti-cosmopolitism and also anti-intellectualism.     

中国与印尼在基础设施建设方面合作的现状与前景

印尼经济在1997年亚洲金融危机期间遭受重创,国内基础设施建设几乎陷于停滞.为改善落后的基础设施状况,加速经济的发展,创造更多的就业机会,印尼计划采取措施首先改善国内投资环境,以吸引更多的外资参与本国基础设施的建设.这无疑将为迅速发展中国与印尼基础设施的合作带来更为广阔的前景.     

From paradigm shift to retooling: the foundation and maintenance of the AKP

ABSTRACT

This article examines the foundation of the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalk?nma Partisi-AKP) after a paradigm shift and its maintenance through retooling, which involves strategic positionings and tactical manoeuvres within its new paradigm. The positionings and manoeuvres that the party took vis-à-vis states of exception have been imperative for its survival in government. The main argument of the article is that the AKP retooled itself in the face of crises rather than going through a paradigmatic change, that is to say, resorting back to the Islamism of the party elite’s origins, in Kuhnian terms. Through the fluidity of its discourse and the unrivalled charisma of its leader, the AKP has -multiple times- changed the center of gravity of its discourse and policies without having to disarticulate its founding political imaginary. Neither its recently increased nationalism nor authoritarianism was the result of an ideological orientation, just like the democratic reforms in its initial years. They were mostly by-products of survival efforts at power positioning, through retooling.     

韩国强化无人岛管理的做法及对中国的启示

近年来,国际海洋权益形势的发展促使韩国不断调整其海洋政策,以不断拓展其海洋权益空间。在当前面临与周边国家进行海上划界的形势下,韩国尤其重视无人岛的管理,从出台相关法律政策和计划,到无人岛找寻、岛屿调查登记、基础海图制作等管理工作,努力最大限度地维护其海洋权益。韩国加强无人岛管理的法律和实践值得关注和研究,并值得我们借鉴。     

Brexit in its Worldwide Aspect: An Opportunity to be Grasped

Abstract

The article looks at the implications of Brexit for Britain and its place in the world. It considers how effective Britain can be in utilising its diplomacy, its trade links, and the application of soft power to secure its interests post-Brexit. The article concludes with an assessment of the possible role of the Commonwealth in assisting Britain going forward. However, in order for positive outcomes to be achieved both in regard to the Commonwealth and Brexit more generally, Britain must persuade its international partners of the merits of the new forms of cooperation being suggested, but also for the people of Britain to shape proactively the future direction of the country.     

菲律宾2010年经济、政治与外交形势回顾

2010年的菲律宾,经济复苏形势喜人,总体表现好于预期;在国内政治方面,冲突与犯罪不断,和解稳定之路任重道远;外交方面,虽然在发展菲中经贸关系、配合美国东南亚政策以及在南海问题维护本国利益等方面有所斩获,但也因香港游客人质事件与中国关系紧张。     

英国与英联邦国家间文化外交评析

二战结束后,英国适时运用文化外交来巩固和发展与英联邦国家之间的关系,实现英国不同时期的战略目标。期间主要经历了由迅速发展到艰难维持再到平稳恢复的外交历程,并形成了三位一体的运作机制,而运行过程中尤以英语教学、教育培训、文学交流和体育运动等具体方式著称。在实施文化外交的过程中,表现出相互性原则和灵活性原则相结合的特征,有效避免了被指责为文化殖民主义者,并且使得阶段性的调整没有抛弃文化外交的长期性。英国针对英联邦的文化外交的根本动因是在硬实力下降的背景下如何有效提升软实力,实践也证明在扩大影响、保持联系和改善形象等方面,文化外交对提升英国软实力、巩固和发展与英联邦国家之间的关系发挥了积极作用。     

A Hundred Years of Asian Affairs: the Journal Celebrates its Centenary

The Asian Affairs Journal is 100 years old this year. This article charts the history of the Journal from its origins in 1914 as the regular journal of the Central Asian Society (later the Royal Central Asian Society and then the RSAA). It discusses the Journal's origins, its relationship with the RSAA, its developing role and form as the interests of the Society changed and developed in reaction to the two World Wars and the decline of Empire, and looks at some of the contributors of the Journal in its earlier period.     

Identifying Ottomanisms: The Discursive Evolution of Ottoman Pasts in the Turkish Presents

This article problematizes the much-used but under-analysed concept of Ottomanism, exploring its discursive evolution from the concept's origins in the nineteenth century to its present practice. Investigating its roots in an elitist multicultural project, the paper examines its integral role as part of the opposing intellectual subculture during the early Republican era and its later re-politicization as ‘neo-Ottomanism’ in Turkey's Özal-era foreign policy. The current practice of ‘banal Ottomanism’ by the AK Party is analysed as a symbolic component of the current re-identification of Turkish society, facilitating the reintroduction of Islamic-Ottomanist traditions into everyday routines.     

从对俄政策调整看日本周边外交的困境

日俄关系在日本的周边外交中占有重要位置,近年来日本试图通过调整对俄政策彰显外交的自主性,改善周边外交状况,推出了一些新的政策措施。首先,日本建议绕开领土问题,扩大与俄罗斯的经济合作,为两国关系的彻底改善,也为最终解决领土问题奠定基础。其次,提出日俄在争议领土从事"共同经济活动"的建议,旨在与俄罗斯在争议领土进行"共同"开发,获得俄罗斯默认日本对争议领土具有主权权利,以便打开日俄关系的大门。第三,日本试图通过调整对俄政策改善周边关系,维护日本在周边外交中的有利地位。但是,日本的对俄政策依然受到内外因素限制,俄罗斯不会轻易在领土问题上让步,日本国内舆论也不可能支持政府在领土问题上让步,日俄之间也不可能在领土问题上达成共识,日俄之间的经济合作也很难脱离政治环境而有所扩大,特别是在日美同盟的框架下,日俄合作具有局限性,日本的周边外交仍然陷于困境之中。     

全球治理视野下欧盟规范力量探析——以欧盟国际货币基金组织代表权改革为例

近年来,国际组织代表权改革日益成为欧盟在全球治理中发挥规范力量面临的重要课题。欧盟国际货币基金组织代表权问题的案例研究表明,欧盟身份的复杂性使之在这一问题上既表现出支持相关改革的意愿,又因自身的既得利益、法律地位和治理结构的制约而表现出一定的保守性。围绕欧盟对外向发展中国家转让代表权和对内逐步统一代表权的争论是一个国际体系、地区和成员国层面的三重博弈过程,也是欧盟在参与全球治理过程中关于自身规范力量身份的建构过程。     

浸透着伊斯兰文化传统的文莱媒介

文莱是个穆斯林君主制和伊斯兰传统的国家。1984年独立后.政府一直依靠集权统治和至高无上的宗教体系来维持原有的意识形态和价值观。媒介,作为意识形态的一个主要部分,自然也被浸透在伊斯兰君主制的思想中,而且在法律的监护下担负着将伊斯兰思想渗透到社会各个阶层的任务。     

Japan’s Growing Hard Hedge Against China

As China accumulates more power, Japan is often overlooked as being capable of affecting China’s continued trajectory because of material differences and narratives of Japan being a reactive state. Yet, Beijing’s strategic planning cannot ignore Tokyo because Japan has the ability to affect the region’s security environment. Feeling its presence and influence becoming relatively smaller, Tokyo has been increasingly proactive in its effort to expand its strategic space and shape the regional environment in ways conducive to its interests. A review of Japan’s approach to China since 1972 reveals that it has shifted away from its traditional engagement policy toward first a soft hedge, followed by a harder hedge that continues to this day. Today’s mix of partnerships and capabilities enable Japan to complicate China’s freedom of action and frustrate its continued rise.     

When Valence Crushes: Explaining the Electoral Failure of the German FDP in the 2013 Election

This paper examines why the German Free Democratic Party (FDP) failed to gain electoral success in 2013 despite being well positioned in terms of left–right ideology. Indeed, its vote share dropped from its highest ever point in 2009 (14.6 per cent of the national vote) to its lowest ever in 2013 (4.8 per cent of the vote). The paper shows that the FDP’s valence dropped dramatically between 2009 and 2013. In addition, voting simulations show that the FDP was positioned close to its vote-maximising positions on policy and ideology. However, given the FDP’s extremely low valence it could not have taken any set of policy positions that would have significantly increased its vote share.     

Regional economic communities and peacebuilding: The IGAD experience

This article examines the role of the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) in peacebuilding, considering its experience in peacebuilding in the greater Horn of Africa. The article critically examines IGAD’s performance in executing its mandates, as defined in the regional body’s constitutive act. IGAD’s peace mediation and peacebuilding efforts show mixed outcomes. This mixed outcome is attributed to a number of factors that include the structure of IGAD, its dependence on external funding, a dearth of capacity and the member states’ narrow national interests. The article argues that problems arising from the structure of IGAD are compounded by its heavy dependence on external aid; in addition, Ethiopia’s domination has rendered the organisation very weak in its peacebuilding efforts in the region compared to other African regional economic communities.     

Decoding the Evolutionary Path of Chinese Foreign Policy, 1949–2009: Assessments and Inferences

Chinese foreign policy has made a grand transition during the post-Mao reform era. Chinese foreign policy of the 21st century has become much more open and pragmatic in its relations with the outside world, more extensive in its reach and coverage, highly diversified in its functions and partners, more committed to international norms than before, and much more sophisticated in its dealing with the international community. Yet, the precise balance between the changes and continuities is still quite difficult to gauge. Furthermore, despite crucial visible changes, concerns and worries - even some fears - are discernible with regard to the rise of China. In the last 60 years, Beijing has sought hard to sustain consistencies (shizhong ruyi) in its foreign policy. Perhaps, that is the best clue the world has in inferring the future trajectory of Chinese foreign policy.     

Monitoring the rise of a radical force: the British Embassy in Athens and the Ascent of the Greek Panhellenic Socialist Movement, 1974–1981*

The article deals with perceptions, conceptions and policy implementation of British diplomacy towards the Panhellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK) from its formation in 1974 until its first rise into power in 1981. PASOK, a political movement that was to dominate Greek politics for more than twenty years, entered the Greek political scene as a new, radical force that threatened Western values and interests and aspired to reshape the international orientation of the country, in a period of high Cold War tensions. It will be shown that British diplomacy, despite its opposition to PASOK, was forced by political realities to modify its policy significantly, in order to accommodate PASOK and preserve its interests in a country that was considered as a vital ally of the Western world.     

U.S. policy and Taiwan’s reintegration into the global community

Taiwan is making headway in its campaign to improve its international position. After years of publicly ignoring Taiwan, many foreign governments are willing to upgrade relations with Taipei. This article outlines the background of Taiwan’s new “pragmatic” approach to foreign policy and explores various considerations that are helping the island break out of its diplomatic isolation. In conclusion, the author suggests that the United States should support Taiwan in its bid to rejoin the international community.