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1.
《海内与海外》2013,(12):7-10
日前,安永中国海外投资业务部发布了《2013年上半年中国海外投资回顾与展望的报告》,这令我们又看到了中国企业创下的新的纪录,同时该报告分析了中国私营企业面临的机遇与挑战,并特别分析了税务筹划在中国企业海外投资中的作用。安永中国海外业务部多名高管对此亦做出详尽阐释。  相似文献   

2.
中国在非洲直接投资的总体评估   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
近年来,非洲国家在改善投资环境方面成绩斐然,成为世界许多国家的投资热土,中国成为对非洲投资的生力军.大多数中国企业在非洲的投资取得了双赢效果,不仅缓解了国内资源短缺问题,带动机电设备的出口,而且提升了非洲国家的生产技术水平,在增加税收和扩大就业方面发挥了积极作用.中国在非洲投资也面临着诸多问题和挑战.为此,中国政府和企业采取旨在提高治理能力的应对措施,使中国对非洲投资朝着健康、持续的方向发展.始于2008年的全球金融危机加大了中国对非洲投资的风险,但也孕育着机遇,中国政府和企业应立足于长远投资战略,加大对非洲的投资力度.  相似文献   

3.
我国扩大对俄远东地区投资的机遇与对策   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
近年来,加强投资领域的合作是中俄两国政府高度关注的话题。在两国互办“国家年”,俄罗斯设立特别经济区之际,我国扩大对俄罗斯远东地区的投资遇到不可多得的机遇。中国应扩大对俄罗斯远东地区投资的领域,为达此目的政府和企业应共同努力。  相似文献   

4.
中国入世与中马经贸关系   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
中国入世给中马经贸关系的未来发展带来了机遇和挑战。今后拓展中马经贸合作,中方企业应不断调整自己的出口和投资结构,找到新的比较优势。  相似文献   

5.
未来五年,中国外部经济环境将呈现三个特点:世界经济迎来新一轮温和增长期,经贸增长有所加快、新一轮工业革命初露端倪、基础设施建设热潮初现;全球化出现新趋势,国际贸易投资趋于活跃、区域自由贸易区加紧形成、全球治理机制不断完善、南南经济合作大有可为;大国竞争趋于复杂化。同期,中国经济"走出去"的步伐和规模都将空前增大,机遇与挑战并存,相互交织:外部经济环境总体有利,为中国稳定增长、产业升级及扩大对外合作提供重要机遇;而美西方货币政策调整、国际产业转移、自贸发展不平衡等方面亦对我国发展构成新的挑战。新形势下,中国对外开放战略宜有新思路:制定扩大对外开放的战略目标,推进外贸、投资、金融及大周边等领域的开放改革,提升对外开放的服务水平,为实施新的开放战略提供更加优质、高效和管用的服务保障。  相似文献   

6.
安兆祯 《西伯利亚研究》2008,35(2):23-26,89
俄罗斯加入WTO的谈判尽管仍存在困难,但迟早会正式成为WTO成员。俄罗斯加入WTO后必须遵守WTO规则要求,投资环境进一步趋好,扩大市场准入,将为我国提供难得的发展机遇。但俄罗斯加入WTO并不意味着对俄投资风险已完全消除,我国对俄投资仍将面临诸多挑战。特别是在当前俄罗斯开始重塑投资形象的新形势下,我国应合理调控对俄投资规模,优化对俄投资主体,强化对俄投资管理,构建对俄投资风险评估体系,努力实现对俄投资互利共赢。  相似文献   

7.
中国加入WTO,贸易和投资进一步自由化将对发展中国家的竞争力产生极大影响。在这种情况下,亚洲国家和地区既有机遇也有挑战,一些国家将从中国的市场开放中得到更多的投资机会,提高在中国的市场份额和增加世界其他市场的准入机会,一些国家在出口市场和中国市场上则面临更为激烈的竞争,出口份额和产业竞争力会受到损害。  相似文献   

8.
CAFTA背景下中国企业投资东盟农业的SWOT分析   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
本文运用SWOT分析法对中国-东盟自由贸易区(CAFTA)背景下中国企业投资东盟国家农业所面临的优势、劣势、机遇、威胁进行系统分析,在此基础上,从政府层面提出要搞好服务平台建设、加大资金支持力度、构建企业对外投资风险保障体系,以及从企业层面提出要慎选投资国家及农业投资领域、做好可行性研究、利用华商资源、加大人才培养力度等对策建议。  相似文献   

9.
尼日利亚金门集团有限公司董事长胡介国,有着让常人非常好奇的身份——酋长,他是尼日利亚,也是非洲唯一的华人酋长。此外。他还是尼日利业总统顾问,主管尼日利亚中小企业发展,经他牵线搭桥落户尼国的中国企业已有上百家。在尼国,上至总统,下至州长、部长无一不是他的熟人或朋友。当地华人遇到困难时,都会求助于他。他成了尼国颇有影响的侨领。  相似文献   

10.
服务贸易是中国—东盟双边贸易的重要内容之一,未来也会成为双边贸易增长的重要力量。本文分析"钻石10年"间中国—东盟服务贸易发展的机遇和挑战,并提出中国—东盟发展服务贸易的对策和建议:以服务贸易带动投资合作与货物贸易;以陆上和海上丝绸之路作为互联互通的突破口;扩大金融合作和人民币区域化;创新服务贸易合作新方式等。  相似文献   

11.
Nigeria presents an important case for examining the interaction between economic emergence and (in)security on account of the Boko Haram-led insurgency. This paper interrogates long-standing theoretical assumptions about the economic consequences of violent conflict in such a complex space. It analyses the cost of North-East Nigeria’s conflict on development by considering its impact on the economy at the national and subnational levels. Generalised assumptions about the ways through which conflict affects development appear to hold in some regards but not in others. Evidence suggests some disruption in fiscal adjustments at the macro level, trade and investment as well as agricultural production and commerce within the North-East but less so with regard to economic growth and foreign direct investment flows at the national level. The paper finds evidence of a dichotomy in terms of the impact of the conflict on the national and subnational economy. There is a high degree of containment of the repercussions of the conflict at the subnational level. However, there remains a degree of interconnectedness across these strata that are influenced by both domestic and international political economy dynamics.  相似文献   

12.
Prior to the 2015 Nigerian general elections, there were concerns that the fierce political contest would lead to electoral violence in the country. However, the elections were conducted peacefully, with fewer disputes and election-related deaths than previous elections. This study accounts for the fall in the level of electoral violence in Nigeria and discusses the lessons that Nigeria’s experience presents. It argues that the avoidance of destructive electoral disputes in Nigeria was the result of preventive action taken by the country’s electoral commission, civil society groups, and development partners. The specific preventive actions taken include innovations in election administration aimed at enhancing electoral transparency and credibility, election security measures such as early warning and peace messaging, and preventive diplomacy urging the main candidates and the political elite to embrace peace. The key lesson that can be drawn from Nigeria’s experience is that a well thought out conflict prevention strategy should be an integral part of electoral governance, especially in countries with a high risk of electoral violence.  相似文献   

13.
Raj Verma 《India Review》2013,12(4):372-396
ABSTRACT

The article asserts that China’s NOCs have trumped Indian oil companies in four ways. First, Chinese NOCs have more oil blocks in Angola and Nigeria relative to Indian oil companies. Second, NOCs from China are able to outbid Indian oil companies if and when they directly compete for the same oil blocks. Third, Chinese NOCs have better quality oil blocks compared to Indian oil companies. Fourth, Chinese NOCs are preferred as partners by African NOCs and international oil companies. It provides a more comprehensive explanation of the above observations by examining macro level factors such as difference in the economic, political and diplomatic support received by the Chinese and Indian oil companies from their respective governments and foreign exchange reserves and micro level factors such as access to capital, rate of return on investment, pricing of oil and risk aversion.  相似文献   

14.
Improving the well-being of Nigerians is the aim of Nigeria Vision 20:2020, the key development policy document in Nigeria. However, as well-being is an emerging and contested concept, this article explores how the well-being of urban citizens is understood in Nigeria, and identifies key trends affecting urban well-being as expressed by a selection of strategic elite stakeholders in Nigerian society. These included senior civil servants and politicians, and various senior members of civil society groups and academia. The analysis also reveals characteristics underpinning policies for urban well-being.  相似文献   

15.
Nigeria's abundant natural resource endowments should earn the country's bragging rights as the “Giant of Africa”. Instead, 52 years of corrupt practices among the often recycled ruling elites in post-independence Nigeria have crippled this giant and turned what should be one of the country's strongest assets – its vast oil wealth – into a curse. This article critically examines the concerns for corruption as an enduring obstacle to Nigeria's development writ large. After providing a historical trajectory of corrupt practices in Nigeria from the mid-1980s to the present, it discusses some of the recent corruption scandals in the country, in particular the issues surrounding the US$6.8 billion that was drained from Nigeria between 2009 and 2012 in the fuel subsidy scam. The conclusion makes a case for the reworking of a pervasive system in Nigeria that “pardons” corruption and “recycles” corrupt rulers.  相似文献   

16.
A large qualitative literature on violent conflict in Nigeria has identified the importance of oil production and ethnicity as salient factors in understanding violence, especially in the oil-rich Niger Delta. This resonates with the broader literature on natural resources, ethnic exclusion, and conflict. This article advances existing research by providing the first highly disaggregated statistical analysis of oil, ethnicity, and violence for Nigerian Local Government Areas (LGAs). We test whether oil production in a weak state environment, and local groups’ access to governmental power, affect the level of violence in Nigeria. We employ unique disaggregated data on violent conflict events, proprietary data on oil production, and newly collected information on local ethnic groups’ access to the federal government for 774 LGAs. We find strong evidence that LGAs with oil infrastructure experience significantly more violence than others, while access to the federal government significantly reduces violence. We complement these findings with a qualitative investigation of violent conflicts in Nigeria.  相似文献   

17.
Africa grapples with the world's most serious public health crisis, but this article shows that there are public health solutions that work in the African setting. When the Ebola virus disease outbreak was announced in Nigeria in July 2014, some public health specialists worried that an apocalyptic outbreak would sweep through the vast slums of Lagos. The words “Ebola” and “Lagos” in the same sentence were viewed as a dangerous combination, due to the large population of Lagos and the inefficient health care system in the city. Contrary to this view, the outbreak of Ebola virus disease was successfully contained in Nigeria. This article focuses on the factors that were responsible for this success. It examines strategies developed within Nigeria that help to ensure the successful containment of the disease. The paper identifies lessons that can be learnt by other countries from the Nigerian experience.  相似文献   

18.
尼日利亚农业现状及中尼农业合作研究   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
赵贤 《亚非纵横》2011,(2):51-57,60
农业是中国的基础和优势产业,其发展一直受到极大关注。改革开放30多年来,中国粮食等主要农产品综合生产能力得到显著提高,粮食产量屡创新高,中国有比较丰富的农业技术和管理经验。尼日利亚拥有丰富的农业资源和巨大的市场,但由于农业结构单一,生产水平低下,在农业种植业方面偏向经济作物,近年来农业发展相对缓慢,至今粮食不能自给。中国和尼日利亚在农业领域具有巨大的合作潜力,中尼农业合作不仅有利于解决尼粮食短缺问题,而且还有利于中国农业走向非洲,利用两种资源,面向两个市场,促进自身发展。  相似文献   

19.
李文刚 《西亚非洲》2012,(1):84-100
尼日利亚民族国家构建的困境源于英国殖民统治的影响和独立运动的缺陷,民族宗教问题及外部影响又给其添加不少变数,使得地方民族主义比民族一体化在尼日利亚更有市场。"联邦特征"原则作为消除地方民族主义、促进民族统一的一项基本原则对主体民族"三足鼎立"、少数民族众多的尼日利亚有诸多积极意义,其核心思想以宪法条文或不成文规定的形式影响着尼日利亚的政治发展,在某些方面推动着民族国家构建。由于该原则的缺陷和民族国家构建自身的复杂性,其有效性有待实践的进一步检验,尼日利亚民族国家构建亦需其他力量的推动。  相似文献   

20.
This article examines the issues underlining Islamic radicalisation and violence in Nigeria, a phenomenon whose latest manifestation through the activities of the Jamā'atu Ahlis Sunnah Lādda'awatih wal-Jihad (widely known as Boko Haram), has attracted considerable concern. It traces the evolution of the phenomenon and identifies the key issues that have explained its pattern of expression. The paper advances three main arguments: first, that Islamic radicalisation and its link to violence in Nigeria is, contrary to the often-held opinion, a phenomenon that transcends socio-economic deprivation and the mutual suspicion that underlines inter-group relations in the country, but also extends to a string of external considerations that intertwine with religion and identity in Nigeria; second, that there are aspects of the country's historical past, including the link with colonialism, that explain aspects of Islamic radicalisation and violence; and third, that greater clarity will come into the understanding of the Boko Haram phenomenon when considered against the background of the country's radicalisation history.  相似文献   

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