“柏格森热”湮灭的原因探析

"柏格森热"迅速降温有多方面的原因,<现代主义危机>一书对此提供了一种鲜为人知的解释.该书作者指出,20世纪初,柏格森生命哲学在重新解释传统"生机论"的基础上骤然崛起并广泛传播.哲学现代主义运动在反思两次世界大战所带来的灾难时,把以柏格森为中心的生命哲学视为法西斯主义的理论来源予以批判和抛弃.本文在阅读柏格森<战争的意义>一书的基础上,证实柏格森与法西斯主义没有任何瓜葛,倒是他的<战争的意义>一书有助于我们了解尼采超人思想的法国来源.同时,本文有感于时代和历史造成的诸如柏格森这样的冤屈,期待着学术界能对历史上的思想家做出公正、客观的评价.     

浅析幼儿生命意蕴的消解与回归——以柏格森生命哲学思想为视角

生命是人的载体和根本,关注生命是人的发展的必然要求。在柏格森生命哲学思想下,幼儿是完整的生命存在,是具有无限可能性、绵延性和创造性的个体。针对幼儿教育过程中漠视生命的现象,教育者需发展幼儿的创造性并把握其生命活动的瞬间,为幼儿提供充分的直觉发展空间并与其建立和谐的对话关系,让渐渐消解的幼儿生命意蕴重新回归。     

柏格森究竟是不是现象学家?——柏格森哲学思想的另一种理解

胡塞尔的现象学还原企图从直接经验的意识流中找到稳定的世界的基础,它找到的仅仅是一种"死的永恒",而不是一个流动不居的现象界,现象学"回到事物自身"的目标已经得不到保障.柏格森的直觉方法使我们进入对象内部,与对象交融一起,与对象一起共感,回到流动的经验实在,现象学的口号"回到事物自身"在柏格森这里具体化为"回到了材料自身".因此可以在某种意义上说,柏格森更像一个贯彻现象学理念、撑起现象学旗帜的现象学家.     

哲学批评学:定义、框架与必要性

"哲学批评"是两个或两个以上的哲学家、两个或两个以上的哲学流派、两部或两部以上的哲学著作之间的批评."哲学批评学"可以定义为"概括和总结哲学批评活动之功能、原则、方法、规律等等的一门科学"."哲学批评学"的总体框架以哲学批评的定性、哲学批评的模式考察、哲学批评的历史考察为"三根支柱".建设"哲学批评学"的必要性,可以从如下方面去看:哲学的本性要求"哲学批评学"的构建;中国哲学研究的现状要求"哲学批评学"的构建;哲学领域的学科完善要求"哲学批评学"的构建;哲学领域中众多批评材料要求"哲学批评学"的构建.     

改革开放30年来马克思哲学研究的几点理论创新

改革开放30年来,马克思哲学研究方面取得了丰硕的理论成果.其在理论上的创新与发展,不是仅仅涉及到马克思哲学的个别观点,而是关涉到马克思哲学的本质与意义.这种创新和发展表现为:重新确认了"人的问题"对于马克思哲学的意义;从根本上恢复了实践在马克思哲学中的本来地位;价值范畴的引入再现了马克思哲学中科学精神与价值取向的统一.这三个方面的理论创新,构成了马克思哲学理论创新的基本脉络,大体反映了改革开放以来马克思哲学研究的积极成果,赋予了马克思哲学以新的形态和面貌.     

论罗蒂新实用主义哲学的建构路径

罗蒂是新实用主义哲学的主要代表之一,在推进哲学向后现代前进的道路上他获得许多赞誉,也背负着较多的批评。从罗蒂哲学的逻辑结构和逻辑框架出发,阐明了罗蒂新实用主义哲学基于基础主义的逻辑起点,以解释学化基础主义、以协同性化客观性和以弱理性化强理性的逻辑路进把传统哲学改造成教化哲学。在此基础上,指出罗蒂哲学的致思进路并非消极意义上思维的退守,而是中庸的智慧展现,这为重新评价逻辑哲学提供了新视角。     

论杜威对西方哲学的批评及其中西哲学比较

杜威通过揭示康德如何从“启蒙运动的儿子”走向“与启蒙运动决裂”,以及法国哲学与英美经验论哲学的不足,奠定了其心仪中国哲学的思想基础.他评说了中西道德哲学的不同流派,在哲学和文化的一些基本问题上,他的观点多有与马克思、恩格斯和列宁相通之处.他看到了五四新文化运动的“中国味儿”或“中国特点”,提出了“两个适应”的理论,即:使古老的中国观念“适应现代的情况”,使西方思想的精华“适应中国的情况”.他从老子和孔子的哲学中发现了为世界上其他民族所不及的精神品格,强烈谴责西方列强向中国转移其社会危机,以中国的人生哲学为“救世之灵药”.他说中国哲学更多地把大自然“当作娱心悦目的事物看”,以及他所提出的“像中国人那样思考”的主张,是后来诺斯罗普关于中国哲学审美特征之研究、公正的世界秩序之建立应引进中国价值观的先声.     

伯特尔·奥尔曼对辩证法的反思及其启示

伯特尔.奥尔曼是当代美国辩证法马克思主义的重要代表人物。他对辩证法的反思,一方面受西方传统哲学的影响,另一方面又与我国学者有共通之处。前者主要体现在研究出发点、立论基础、重视语言等方面,后者体现在辩证法的应用方面。这种复杂性要求我们在辩证法的研究中,尤其是在借鉴西方学者的研究成果时,不能只关注其个别论断,而要从整体性出发,充分考虑东、西方传统哲学的差异性。     

文化哲学:马克思主义哲学研究的新视野

哲学研究的理论视野和理解范式没能从根本上转换,是导致目前中国马克思主义哲学的研究难以继续深入的深层原因。文化哲学作为一种哲学研究范式与本体论、认识论为表现形式的意识哲学、思辨哲学不同,这种哲学理解范式强调哲学的时代性、民族性和批判性,关注人的生活世界和人的现实生存,力求给人的生存活动提供智慧和现实关怀。作为对传统哲学实现变革的马克思的哲学,其真正意义恰恰体现在从哲学理解范式的发生的革命转换。尽管马克思本人没有直接提出过"文化哲学"概念,但是,对马克思哲学解读会发现,马克思哲学在外在表现形态、理论使命、理论功能、理论旨趣、理论主题、立论基础等方面具有明显的文化哲学品性。因此,把马克思哲学研究置于文化哲学研究的理论视野中,才能深刻把握马克思哲学变革的价值和其哲学的基本特征,才能找到中国马克思主义哲学研究理论创新的着力点和发展方向。     

论芒福德的技术哲学思想

芒福德是世界著名的技术史和技术哲学家,是人文主义技术哲学的主要代表人物之一.他将技术机械发展史划分为三个互相重叠和渗透的阶段--始技术、古技术和新技术,并区分了两种基本技术:综合技术和单一技术.他通过对人性的理解出发,抨击以"巨型机器"为代表的单一技术,提倡一种"民主的技术",从而恢复人在技术发展中的主体地位.实现人和技术的协调发展.     

Tony Blair's 'Media' Speech: The Commentators

Tony Blair's speech challenged the media over its standards in his valedictory lecture. Many of his charges about the absence of balance, attacks on motive and a pack mentality stand up, even if some are exaggerated and also applied well before his arrival in 10 Downing Street. Mr Blair's solutions did ot match his critique. What is required is a more self‐questioning media, being held to account on the internet and on specialist blogging sites. Vigorous criticism, requiring justification, is a more credible rout than tighter regulation. Tony Blair's speech on the changing pressures on the media is both interesting and convincing in its diagnosis (although generally reported in ways that did not reveal this). It is less convincing in suggestions for change: the fact that on‐line media will fall under Of‐com, and so under its minimal ‘content regulation’ will have little impact. Effective change could begin with other types of (self or other regulation). Some steps towards change might include minimal requirements for journalists and editors to accept elementary forms of accountability, such as disclosing conflicts of interest and payments made for ‘stories’. The scale of media coverage may be crucial in determining the allocation of aid, yet the attention the media pays to particular causes is arbitrary. Many serious disasters are not reported and as a consequence do not receive adequate aid, so that the victims of the crisis will lose out. Chronic long term problems, like famine, are ignored in favour of ‘sudden emergencies’. Reporting seeks sensation and simple stories which influences the way that aid agencies respond to the media. The complex background to a faraway disaster is often overlooked and not properly reported. Tony Blair's speech describing some of the news media as ‘feral beasts’ contained one paragraph which contained an insight into his views on new media. It was known that the outgoing Prime Minister was uncomfortable with some aspects of new technology but his remarks reveal a wider disappointment with how new media has failed to deliver changes which he had hoped for in political communications.This paper records Mr Blair's problems with new media and argues that by focusing on how the new technologies might provide a better way for politicians to by‐pass the traditional media he has missed the point of their wider benefits.     

The Strange Career of British Democracy: John Milton to Gordon Brown

Political debate in modern Britain has been structured by four narratives or traditions, called here ‘Whig imperialist’, ‘Tory nationalist’, ‘democratic collectivist’ and ‘democratic republican’. The Whig imperialist tradition goes back to Edmund Burke; it is a tradition of responsive evolution, flexible statecraft, genial optimism and abhorrence of dogmatic absolutes. It prevailed for most of the nineteenth century, for most of the interwar period and for most of the 1950s and early‐1960s. Its Tory nationalist counterpart is tense, rebarbative and often shrill. At its core lies a primal fear of the dissolution of authority and a collapse of the social order. Its most notable exponents include Lord Salisbury, Enoch Powell and Margaret Thatcher. The democratic collectivist tradition stresses ineluctable progress towards a just and rational society, to be achieved by a strong, essentially technocratic central state, with the power and will to replace the wasteful, unjust chaos of the market place by planned co‐ordination. Formative influences on it were the great Fabian socialists, George Bernard Shaw and Sidney and Beatrice Webb; it achieved its apotheosis under the Attlee Government of 1945‐51. The democratic republican tradition is much more inchoate: its exponents have been the awkward squad of British democracy. The most glittering stars in the democratic republican firmament were probably John Milton, John Stuart Mill and R.H. Tawney. It stresses active self‐government and republican self respect, embodied in a vigorous civil society and strong local authorities. During the ninety‐odd years since Britain belatedly acquired a more‐or‐less democratic suffrage, the first three traditions have all been tested, almost to destruction. But though the fourth has had great influence on social movements of all kinds, governments at the centre have done little more than toy with it, usually for brief periods. The great question now is whether Britain is about to experience a democratic republican moment.     

Trustworthiness: the Commentators

Mark Thompson deplores the decline in the public trust of government and of public service institutions such as the BBC. But there has also been a decline in another form of trust: government's trust in the ability of professionals such as doctors and teachers to deliver high quality public services. And, unlike Thompson's type of trust, this decline was inevitable, because it was based on untenable assumptions concerning professional motivation. The author discusses the importance of trust in an unwritten constitution, including trust in the use made of public resources, trust that appointments are being made on merit, trust that the civil service is ‘speaking truth unto power’ behind the scenes and ultimately trust that it retains the ability to serve future governments. In a world where trust in institutions is diminishing, there are still surprising levels of trust in the world of private philanthropy. The public are only too ready to give donations without seeking to question, especially in the wake of major disasters. Yet the nature of aid agencies has changed dramatically in the past thirty years into major global enterprises with sophisticated media and marketing operations. In this case a greater degree of scepticism from those who donate and paradoxically less trust might actually result in better outcomes from aid and better use of funding. Trust is critical to the mission of the FCO. The public needs to trust the competence and sound judgment of the professional diplomats. The diplomats themselves need to be able to rely on the commonsense of their fellow colleagues. Ministers and diplomats need to trust each other. And other governments need to have confidence in the discretion of their British counterparts. This is an increasing challenge in the world of instant news. Trust can be quickly lost by indiscreet or self‐serving revelations. But the key is to be as open and transparent as possible about the processes of diplomacy. A new survey commissioned by the British Journalism Review demonstrates that public confidence in journalism has collapsed over the last five years. This is particularly true for the commercial broadcasters ITV and Channel 4, whose journalism has traditionally commanded as much public esteem as the BBC. Trust in the BBC and print journalists has also declined, and journalism suffered more than any of the other 16 occupational groups being assessed. This is partly due to the cumulative effect of various “fakery” scandals that have afflicted broadcasters over the last 18 months and partly down to a more widespread cynicism directed at those in authority.     

The Language of Race

The 1991 Census form for households in Great Britain included, for the first time, a question about ethnic group. The question had nine boxes, eight for named ethnic groups and one for 'any other'. One box had to be ticked for each member of the household. Brian Klug discusses his own reaction to the (so-called) ethnic question, and explains why, as a Jew of European extraction, he did not tick the box marked White. He examines several issues raised by the ethnic question, including the following: why this question is different from other questions on the form; the definition and use of the words 'racial' and 'ethnic'; the vocabulary of colour ('black', 'white' etc.) in the language of race; the idea that 'white' is an ethnic category; the claim that the ethnic question is an instrument for combatting racism; one proposal for improving the question by removing the 'racial' components in the categories.     

Guest editor's introduction

In 1933 the army of the nascent Iraqi state launched an exterminatory attack on members of the Assyrian community who had fled to Iraq during the First World War. 'The Assyrian affair' which at the time sent shock-waves around the world has now been largely forgotten. But an examination of its origins and causation reveals much about the nature and pattern of modern genocide. Levene argues that typecasting genocide as the outcome of prejudice, racism or even xenophobia, while these may be significant ingredients, proves to be insufficient as a comprehensive explanation. Rather, these factors need to be analysed within the context of an emerging international system of nation-states. This itself may be a factor in helping to catalyse the most extreme and radically ideological responses, especially from new and untried national elites seeking to overcome perceived obstacles to their state's development and genuine independence.     

On Public Action

Abstract

This essay explores Hannah Arendt’s contribution to our understanding of the rhetorical as opposed to the aesthetic quality of public speech, with an emphasis upon her conception of opinion and glory. Arendt’s focus on the revelatory quality of public action in speech is widely understood to preclude or seriously limit its communicative aspect. I argue that this is a misunderstanding, and that accepting it would reduce speech not merely to the discussion of a sharply limited set of topics, but to no topics at all. Public action is speech that reveals the speaker as “answering, talking back and measuring up to whatever happened or was done.” Such revelatory speech is most appropriately judged by the standard of the glorious and the inglorious. Because such speech must inform as well as reveals, so does glorious or great speech rise to the level of greatness in part because of what is said, to whom, where, and how. Arendt’s understanding of this is shown to have significant parallels to the ordinary language philosophy of Stanley Cavell.     

道德规范表现形式的历史演进

道德规范的产生和形成,有着深刻的社会经济根源,是由一定的社会物质生活条件和社会关系决定的。道德规范随着社会的发展而不断发展,具有历史性和继承性。在人类漫长的道德生活中,道德规范曾有过形态各异的表现形式,大体可以概括为图腾、禁忌、礼仪、风俗、箴言、准则、义务、责任等几种主要的表现形武。道德规范表现形式的历史演进,是一个由蒙昧到理性、由自发到自觉、由低级到高级的发展过程。     

Beyond the ‘Auschwitz syndrome’: Holocaust historiography after the Cold War

ABSTRACT

The end of the Cold war has seen an explosion in Holocaust history, and some significant changes in the main historiographical explanations. The ‘return of ideology’ that began displacing the ‘functionalist’ or ‘structuralist’ dominance of the 1980s remains strong. But it is being supplemented by very detailed regional and local studies, by analyses of different experiences of ghettoization in different places, and by a focus on the widespread plunder and corruption that accompanied the killing process. This enormous attention to detail reveals that the Holocaust unfolded differently in different places; but it also demonstrates the existence of an overall framework in which all the operations took place, what we might call an ‘antisemitic consensus’. Simultaneously, historians have broadened the discussion of the Holocaust, situating it into a transnational or world-historical context of imperialism and colonialism. Stone outlines in broad brush some of these themes, and asks what effects they have had and will continue to have on Europeans' self-understanding in an age in which the post-war anti-fascist consensus has been dismantled while Holocaust-consciousness is officially enshrined into European identity.     

'Shovelling out your paupers': The British State and Irish Famine Migration 1846-50

Gray considers the determinants of British policy towards emigration (and particularly towards state-assisted 'colonization') from Ireland during the Great Famine of 184-50. He surveys the idea of 'colonization' as advocated by Charles Buller in 1843, and its varying appeal (changing over time) in Ireland, Britain and the settlement colonies of the British empire. He also considers the issue in the light of pro- and anti-Malthusian interpretations of Irish population pressure, and the emergence of the alternative idea of 'internal colonization'. Gray argues that the failure of the state to adopt an emigration policy in 1846-50 as part of its response to the Famine was the consequence of a combination of anti-Irish prejudice in Britain and the colonies (which was sharpened by the arrival of large numbers of economic refugees in 1847 and the political conspiracies of 1848), and the prevalence of an economic doctrine that prioritized the need for Irish self-help and moral transformation over state assistance. He traces the debate over colonization within the Whig government headed by Lord John Russell, and concludes that some form of assisted emigration was a feasible policy measure, and that its rejection had adverse consequences in terms of additional famine mortality.