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体系·社会·国家——美国对外经济政策的三种研究路径   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
李巍 《国际观察》2008,28(1):72-78
研究美国对外经济政策有三种路径,分别是以体系为中心,以社会为中心和以国家为中心的研究路径.以体系为中心的研究路径强调国际政治经济体系的结构性特征对美国对外经济行为的影响和制约;以社会为中心的研究路径则将关注的焦点放在美国国内社会不同的利益集团在游说和组织动员方面的力量对比;而以国家为中心的研究路径认为美国对外经济行为是国家本身的官僚政治运作的结果.三种不同的研究路径为理解美国对外经济政策提供了不同的视角,但它们彼此互不排斥,在分析美国对外经济政策的不同时间段,不同问题领域时,具有各自程度不同的解释力.  相似文献   

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外交政策在很大程度上是国内政治的延续,作为后殖民国家的印度尼西亚,其国内社会的特性对外交政策的影响尤为显著。这种影响表现在其内部的脆弱性——多样而分裂的族群、宗教、领土等问题,被视为对国家潜在的威胁,因此而产生的不安全感影响了外交政策。其独立自主外交、不结盟政策、对大国的疑虑都是这种脆弱性的体现。在中国对印尼以及东南亚的外交政策中,要充分考虑后者的脆弱性及由此衍生的不安全感。  相似文献   

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Christos 《Orbis》2008,52(3):494-508
This paper examines the troubled relationship between Greece and the western alliance following the collapse of the military regime in Athens and the invasion of Cyprus. U.S. Congressional reports and the Greek parliamentary proceeding reveal the geopolitical significance of Greece to the western alliance and the frustration of the government in Athens regarding its foreign policy objectives. The Greeks might have questioned the benefits of being part of an alliance; however, it is evident that Greece's diplomatic isolation compelled her leadership to strengthen her links with the western camp. Hence, the present study assesses the attitude of the Greek government toward the Atlantic alliance and the US over the issues of NATO membership and the military installations in Greece and challenges the notion of “independence,” or else the need for detachment from the western alliance.  相似文献   

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ABSTRACT

Recent Turkish foreign policy (TFP) under the successive AKP governments has seen different populist turns. A clear distinction can be made between the thin and thick populisms of TFP, based on the status of the West. The first decade of AKP rule, when foreign policy was thinly populist, was characterised by steady de-Europeanisation, increasing engagement with regional issues and a decentring of Turkey’s Western orientation. The turn toward thick populism has been characterised by anti-Westernist discourses in which the West is resituated as the ‘other’ of Turkish political identity.  相似文献   

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《Democratization》2013,20(4):142-158
This article argues that the nature of interim governments is not a satisfactory explanation of foreign policy initiatives, or their absence, during particular types of transition to democracy. The proposal is rejected for two main reasons. On the one hand, both the Portuguese (1974-76) and Indonesian (1998-99) transitions to democracy provide evidence that contradicts the proposal. On the other hand, the proposition does not explain which foreign policy decisions are taken and the reasons why. This article argues that we should focus instead on the new individual and corporate evaluations and strategies that come about inside a country as a result of new elite alignments, following the installation of a democratic regime, which opens a window of opportunity for making foreign policy changes. Moreover, the perceptions of the international community also influence the decision-making of individual and corporate interests and their strategies. Where the preceding authoritarian regime pursued foreign policies that the international community regarded as illegitimate, then there will be incentives to change policy. This approach sheds more light on the case studies involving Portugal, Indonesia and East Timor, by identifying correctly the foreign policy initiatives that were taken during the regime transitions to democracy and by explaining the underlying reasons.  相似文献   

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俄罗斯外交政策的形成与全球化的兴起同步发展。因此 ,从戈尔巴乔夫到普京 ,俄罗斯外交政策的形成无不打上全球化的烙印。由于对全球化的认知不同因而使对外政策的形成也具有各不相同的特点  相似文献   

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Owen Harries 《Orbis》2005,49(4):1-612
Despite the vast amounts of rhetoric one hears in the United States on the role of morality in international politics, the nation lacks a coherent position on the appropriate application of morality to foreign policy. History reflects two prominent and contrasting views on the subject. The first is that morality is irrelevant to national foreign policy; the second applies common principles of individual morality—compassion, generosity, forgiveness, benevolence, and tolerance—to interactions between states. Though elements of each are evident in the Bush administration's foreign policy, the limits on them restrict the efficacy of either. As the application of morality to foreign policy becomes both more necessary and more difficult, prudence and decency—more than self-righteousness or power—should provide the primary inspiration for American foreign policy.  相似文献   

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《Orbis》2022,66(4):477-496
This article suggests that the modern discourse in Switzerland about neutrality signals a change in nature of the global understanding of neutrality from an apparently unchallengeable generic moral stance to a doctrine that requires individual policy consideration on a case-by-case basis.  相似文献   

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新中国的边界政策是在解决与缅甸等周边邻国边界争端的过程中逐步形成和发展起来的,体现了和平协商、互谅互让与相互调整以及睦邻、安邻等特点.由于一些海上邻国对中国海洋领土主权的不时挑衅和侵犯,中国维护海洋领土主权及权益面临着巨大挑战,也使"主权属我、搁置争议、共同开发"的政策受到了质疑.不过,在今后一个较长时期内中国政府要做的不是放弃这一政策,而是应采取积极有力措施强化其实施效力.  相似文献   

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Over the previous four decades a steadily growing thirst for news and information from East Asia,and China in particular,has been growing around the world.People want to understand China,a country that is rising rapidly but is greatly misunderstood despite the growing numbers of people learning the Chinese language and ideas that have been popularized such as Chimerica (China+America).Interest in China has been impeded by the Great Wall of indecipherable Chinese characters.No wonder so many people say that Chinese is damn hard to learn!  相似文献   

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新世纪以来,以"10 3"为主渠道的东亚区域一体化进程取得显著进展.在此背景下,作为亚洲区域合作积极倡导者之一的日本,推出EPA"行动计划",表明其区域合作政策出现一些新变化.日本调整东亚政策的主要意图是以扩大经贸合作深化与东盟的关系,以增加合作成员削弱中国在东亚合作问题上的作用,最终达到其主宰东亚区域一体化进程的目的.东亚地区各国经济差异较大,国家之间关系复杂,要想使区域合作进程完全按日本所期待的方向发展尚有不少困难.  相似文献   

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试论奥巴马外交的得与失   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
奥巴马上台后推出的外交新政,经过一年的扩充与演化,基本上形成了一套比较完整的外交思想与政策。其主要特点是在坚持美国世界领导地位的前提下,以谋求多边合作为基调,以运用巧实力为基础,以柔性务实策略为基本手段。检点一年来的实践,奥巴马外交在一定程度上改善了美国的国际形象与对外关系,但由于其未能跳出美国独家支配的全球战略框架,成效和作用有限。  相似文献   

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以色列对外政策趋向及其后果   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
2010年5月,以色列拦截国际人道主义救援船队事件,印证了以色列政府在涉及自身安全问题上的一贯强硬和一意孤行,既折射出其面临的安全和外交困境,也反映了以色列继续奉行以"安全至上"为基本原则的国家安全战略.袭船事件持续"发酵",牵动中东地区和国际社会相关角色的"神经",势必对以安全环境及地区局势产生深远影响.  相似文献   

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日本政治经济外交形势及政策取向   总被引:5,自引:0,他引:5  
一2 0 0 0年仍是日本多事的一年。政局乱 ,改革难 ;经济“有景无气” ,缺乏活力 ;外交虚多实少 ,重点突而不破。“朝大野小”的格局被打破 ,自民党与民主党两大阵营形成对峙 ,多党参政的联政框架继续维持。 6.2 5大选之后 ,日本朝野在众议院势力分布发生明显变化。自民党 2 34席、民主党 1 2 9席、公明党 31席、自由党 2 2席、日共 2 0席、社民党 1 9席、保守党 7席、无党派 2 1席。这便形成了自民、公明、保守三联合执政党与民主、自由、日共、社民四在野党的直接对抗的局面。执政三党的议席数较选前大幅度减少 ,由 335席骤减至 2 72席 ,自…  相似文献   

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