Russia's economic and strategic interests in North-East Asia

  Since the middle of the 1990s and especially after Vladimir Putin assumed the presidency Russia started to pursue an active foreign policy in North East Asia, an area considered vital for Russian national political, economic and strategic interests. While continuing to use every available method to conduct this policy Moscow placed special emphasis on promoting economic cooperation with the neighboring states, not in the least because of the development needs of Siberia and the Russian Far East. The current trends on the world energy market as well as the growing energy requirements of Russia's neighbors help to make at this stage exploration of Russian rich energy resources in East Siberia and around the Sakhalin Island to be one of the most attractive areas of regional economic cooperation. Even though these developments help to meet some of the current Russian requirements in foreign investments and modern technologies Russia is clearly interested in extending the scope of regional cooperation to other areas as well. In particular, Russia is interested in promoting its industrial exports. Another prospective area of its cooperation with regional states may cover joint transport projects – from construction of international gas and oil pipelines to linking Russian and Korean railway systems.     

论卢布和外汇在俄罗斯经济发展中的作用

自俄罗斯独立以来,卢布汇率和外汇政策一直变化莫测。稳定卢布汇率,制定切实可行的外汇政 策,正确认识卢布、美元、欧元在俄罗斯经济中的地位。特别是在世界经济一体化的进程中,要发挥卢布对世界 经济的影响以及使俄罗斯尽快加入世界贸易组织,重返国际大家庭。     

Is Russia Sabotaging Democracy in the West?

While there may be some ideological components at stake in the Russian Federation undermining democracy in the West, the Kremlin primarily views interference as a tool to accomplish its strategic interests. Russia is less concerned about regime type (authoritarian versus democratic) and more concerned with how a foreign power advances its strategic interests. While many governments that advance Russia's interests tend to be authoritarian, this is not always the case. Russia does not view non-Western democracies as a threat because the Kremlin considers them predictable and consistent. However, the use of “sharp power” to interfere in the internal affairs of Western democracies is coupled to an assessment of how such interference either promotes Russian interests or decreases Western capabilities to interfere in Russian foreign and domestic policy.     

俄罗斯投资环境与对俄投资策略研究

近年来俄罗斯投资环境有所好转 ,但仍存在很多不完善之处。俄罗斯市场机遇与风险并存 ,潜力很大。我国企业应抓住商机 ,实施“走出去”战略 ,积极开拓前景广阔的俄罗斯市场。现阶段对俄罗斯投资合作的主攻方向应是境外加工贸易、自然资源开发和设立境外研发中心。为此要强化政府对企业的指导和服务职能 ,加大政策扶持力度 ;拓宽融资渠道 ,解决企业开拓俄罗斯市场的资金困难 ;积极推进外经贸企业制度改革 ,加快培育外经贸骨干企业作为对俄投资主体     

俄东部交通基础设施大建设对黑龙江省与俄经贸合作的影响

俄罗斯70%的领土位于亚洲,亚太地区经济的快速发展对俄罗斯产生了重要影响,因此俄政府愈来愈重视与亚太毗邻的东部地区的经济发展。但长期以来,由于政策缺乏连续性、资金投入不足等原因,俄东部地区经济发展缓慢。而制约其经济发展的一个主要因素就是交通基础设施落后。目前,俄领导人已意识到要发展经济必先大力改善交通基础设施状况。黑龙江省积极参与俄东部地区交通基础设施大建设必然会提升对俄经贸合作水平。     

Russian policies on central and eastern Europe: An overview

After the collapse of both the Warsaw Treaty Organisation and the Council of Mutual Economic Assistance in 1990—91 Russia has lost highly effective instruments of (repressive) control of the East European countries and has been left without any significant influence on the economic, political and military developments in the region ever since. This can partly be explained by the deep distrust and emotional reserve vis‐à‐vis Russia on behalf of the new ruling elites in the region. A very important additional factor, however, has been the lack of a clear and coherent Russian strategy on the region in the early years of independent Russian statehood. After the initial loss of importance the region has regained prominence only indirectly as a crucial variable in Russian relations with Western countries and institutions such as NATO, the WEU, and the EU. Though deeper economic and trade relations between Russia and the region seem mutually advantageous, a major rapprochement seems to be blocked by political reservations and considerations.     

Geopolitical pluralism in the CIS: The emergence of GUUAM

This article argues that the 12 states of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) are evenly divided into two groups that are grouped around Russia and Ukraine. The emergence of these two groups, one of which is decidely pro‐Western and pro NATO ‐GUUAM (Georgia, Ukraine, Uzbekistan, Azerbaijan, Moldova) ‐is a sign of what Brzezinski defined as early as 1994 as geopolitical pluralism has finally emerged in the former USSR. US policy, he argued, should be the consolidation of this geopolitical pluralism within the former Soviet Union as the means by which a non‐imperial, ‘normal’ Russian nation‐state would emerge with whom a ‘genuine American‐Russian partnership’ could be secured. Brzezinski signalled that Ukraine was the key state that prevented the revival of a new Russian empire and therefore aided the consolidation of Russian democracy. One could add that GUUAM, as an organization led by Ukraine, should also therefore play a central role in US and Western policy towards the former USSR.     

俄罗斯帝国时期的国债对俄罗斯国债管理的启示

国债管理问题是俄罗斯国家经济中最重要的问题之一，它直接影响到经济增长的幅度、国家的信贷和预算政策。为了对俄罗斯国债管理的改革得出更加准确、客观的评价，应该重视俄罗斯帝国时期在国债管理方面的经验。当今俄罗斯国债管理的所有问题在那个时期几乎都出现过，很多解决的办法在那时也都进行了尝试。借鉴俄罗斯帝国在管理国债、吸引国内外资金等方面的经验，能够在有效管理当代俄罗斯国债问题上获得许多历史启示。     

Radical Islam and the struggle for influence in Central Asia

The threat of an Iranian‐style Islamic takeover of the newly independent states of Central Asia is currently more of a potential than actual threat to the secular rulers of these countries. Nonetheless, economic, environmental and nationality problems render these rulers vulnerable to a future Islamic potential challenge. The threat of Islam has been used by local leaders to justify dictatorships and intervene in neighboring countries, while foreign governments, such as Turkey and Israel, have sought to exploit the threat of Islam in Central Asia to strengthen their support from the United States. By contrast, Iran has downplayed the Islamic factor in its foreign policy toward these new republics and as a result has enhanced its relationship with Russia, which seeks to establish its hegemony over the region.     

Russia’s Policy towards the Middle East: The Case of Yemen

ABSTRACT

Yemen occupies a peripheral place in Russian foreign policy for three reasons: lack of serious economic interest, the illusory potential of strengthening the military presence there and recognition of Saudi Arabia’s role in the Yemeni conflict. However, a deepening of the split within the Arab coalition in Yemen, primarily between the UAE and Saudi Arabia, has not only forced the Russian authorities to seek a balance between Yemeni actors, but also made Russia part of the so-called ‘Yemeni triangle’ alongside the two GCC countries. Russian involvement in the Yemeni crisis is constrained by its economic weakness and prioritisation of Russia-Gulf relations more broadly.     

俄罗斯的外国投资及其调节

吸引外资是俄联邦对外经济政策的主要方针。像世界上其他国家一样，俄罗斯把外资看作是提高技术水平、促进经济发展和改造生产结构并使其现代化、掌握和使用先进的生产方法、加速与世界经济一体化的重要因素。向市场经济转轨以来，俄罗斯一直对外国投资寄予很大的希望。然而，从目前的外国投资现状看，俄罗斯的比较优势并没有得到充分发挥。为了能为外资的投入创造更为有利的气候和务件，俄罗斯还需要花大力气减少外国投资风险、提高投资效率、优化投资环境、保障投资者利益。     

新普京时代的开启——2011年俄罗斯政治形势综述

2011年俄罗斯政治形势总体保持稳定。梅德韦杰夫和普京的政治竞争和政治妥协促成"梅普组合"走向"普梅组合"。第六届国家杜马选举的结果表明全面现代化战略对俄罗斯政治生态产生了重要影响。俄罗斯当前依然处于民主化的初期阶段,它所实行的权威主义的政治体制被大多数俄罗斯民众所认可,这表明俄罗斯政局的稳定是可以预期的。但当前政治体制缺乏现代化改革的动力,必将严重制约俄罗斯现代化的有序进行。俄罗斯发展战略不会有大的变化,但俄罗斯的内外政策将面临调整。     

俄罗斯政治经济形势及外交走向

本文论述了普京执政以来的俄罗斯政治经济形势及外交走向.政治形势趋向稳定,经济形势有所好转,外交走向日益明朗.俄罗斯开始进入一个由乱转治的历史转折新时期.在政治方面俄罗斯实现了新旧政权的平稳过渡,调整了政权结构,打击了车臣分裂主义势力,缓解了社会矛盾,维护了国家统一;在经济方面修正了经济改革路线,调整了经济政策,治理并改善了经营和投资环境,促进了经济增长;在外交方面维护了叶利钦后期外交政策的连续性,寻找了自己在世界多极化新格局中的位置,以本民族利益为中心调整了外交政策,加强了与独联体国家的联系,改善了同西方大国的关系,推进了与东方国家的关系.但是,由于普京的内外政策尚未完全定型,改革的道路崎岖不平,经济缺乏增长的坚实基础,此外,国力锐减又限制了与西方大国外交活动的空间,所以俄罗斯的社会经济发展仍会遇到一定的阻力与困难.     

NATO expansion and Russian national interests

The article centres on the debate in Russia about NATO expansion into Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) and how expansion affects re‐emergent Russian national interests post‐Madrid. The author examines official Russian arguments against expansion as well as the views of policy‐makers and political commentators, assesses the impact of NATO's plans on Russian‐Western Security and disarmament arrangements and analyses Russia's relations with her neighbours in CEE, the CIS and Asia.     

俄罗斯进一步扩大企业的竞争优势

自经济转轨以来,俄罗斯企业面临诸多的困难,举步维艰。它们面临着入世的机遇。如能增加政府的政策支持,挖掘企业的内部潜力,发挥外贸的手段,就会使俄罗斯的企业在国内和国际市场上拓展空间,扩大竞争优势。彻底改变单一的能源外贸的被动局面,使俄罗斯真正融入世界经济一体化的进程中,已经成为俄罗斯需要解决的非常现实的问题。     

俄罗斯对外政策中的地缘经济因素

后冷战时期，俄罗斯地缘政治潜力下降，促使其对外政策中地缘经济战略凸现。地缘经济战略中的能源外交成为俄对外政策的重点。俄地缘经济战略的实施使其经济从解体后的萧条中复苏，但其也存在着不可忽视的变数。随着世界政治经济格局的变化，俄对外政策中地缘政治与地缘经济因素互动着，这成为后冷战时期俄罗斯对外政策的特点。     

Foreign policy in the Muslim world: A dialogue between state and society

In the wake of the demise of communism and the advent of the 1990–1991 Gulf War, there is concern among some Western elites about a possible Islamic challenge to the prevailing international order. This paper explores the validity of that concern by looking at patterns of interaction and the notion of foreign‐policy change in four countries in the Muslim world—Iran, Egypt, Algeria, and Indonesia, as well as some developments in the larger Muslim world. Juxtaposing social change on foreign policy, the article postulates that economic realism is the definitive force in the international relations of these states; “militant Islam” is more a tool of radical diplomacy than a manifestation of transnationalism; and ties between states in the Muslim world display a regional regime‐style orientation. Domestic Islamization is found to be a force, which, overall, is contributing to accountability and, therefore, rationalization in the foreign‐policy realm.     

Commercial Diplomacy and Statecraft in the Context of Economic Reform: The Indian Experience

It is almost a decade since India began its economic reforms. Apart from the purely domestic economic objectives that the reforms were expected to achieve, there was a recognition that reform was imperative if India wanted to become an economic power of consequence within and beyond its region. This had important foreign policy implications. Official pronouncements reflected the concern that the balance of fiscal power as opposed to military power was the key factor in determining a country's international standing. This called for an integrated strategy to bring economic and foreign policies closer. The implementation of a vigorous foreign economic policy could not be undertaken without sharpening the commercial diplomatic tool. Indian foreign policy over the last decade has been grappling with this challenge. This article analyses the reorientation in Indian foreign policy, assesses the efforts undertaken so far to make commercial diplomacy viable and highlights the challenges that multi-layered diplomacy poses for a country like India.     

Commercial Diplomacy and Statecraft in the Context of Economic Reform: The Indian Experience

It is almost a decade since India began its economic reforms. Apart from the purely domestic economic objectives that the reforms were expected to achieve, there was a recognition that reform was imperative if India wanted to become an economic power of consequence within and beyond its region. This had important foreign policy implications. Official pronouncements reflected the concern that the balance of fiscal power as opposed to military power was the key factor in determining a country's international standing. This called for an integrated strategy to bring economic and foreign policies closer. The implementation of a vigorous foreign economic policy could not be undertaken without sharpening the commercial diplomatic tool. Indian foreign policy over the last decade has been grappling with this challenge. This article analyses the reorientation in Indian foreign policy, assesses the efforts undertaken so far to make commercial diplomacy viable and highlights the challenges that multi-layered diplomacy poses for a country like India.     

The rule of law ‐ meaning and significance for security policy and reform

Given Russia's history of legal expediency and the emphasis of Western policy on economic liberalization, it is not surprising that Russian reforms have yet to produce a functioning market economy and effective political institutions, including civil‐military control. A Western‐style economic and military model is fundamentally built on the rule of law as a supreme and impartial tool of conflict resolution and distribution of rights and power. Without it, government action cannot be predicted, destroying trust in the institutions and denying private and public activity a basis for long‐term planning which is based on trust and predictability. Without long‐term planning neither companies nor armies can be successful, giving rise to a pseudo‐legal state of de facto laws. For its economic, political and military reforms to be successful Russia needs to emphasize the building of the institutions for developing and predictably enforcing a set of laws, an effort that needs to receive priority support from Western partners.