Ethics, Foreign Policy, and Liberal Wars: The Role of Restraint in Moral Decision Making

Can morality be a basis for making foreign policy? What happens when it is? The dangers in using morality to justify violence are discussed in the light of the just war tradition and liberalism. An ethical case for the importance of restraint in moral decision making, especially with regard to unnecessary but desirable wars within liberalist approaches to foreign policy, is presented.     

Collective Security and Non-State Actors in Eurasia

International security cooperation usually takes one of two forms. A classical collective security organization is designed to promote international security through regulating the behavior of its member states. A defensive security organization is designed to protect a group of states from threats emanating from a challenging state or group of states. Both forms of security cooperation bind states to act in concert with respect to threats presented by other states. The emergence of non-state actors such as terrorist or extremist organizations challenges traditional forms of collective security. Threats from political extremism, terrorism, and outlaw organizations have grown in visibility during the past decade in the countries of Eurasia. The terrorist attacks of September 11 and the ensuing global war on terrorism have given added impetus to the Eurasian inter-state cooperation in confronting non-traditional threats and challenges from non-state actors. Bearing in mind the theory of collective security, this article analyzes threats posed by non-state actors with respect to Eurasian collective security organizations including the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, the Conference on Interaction and Confidence Building Measures, and the CIS Collective Security Treaty Organization. The article concludes that the effectiveness of these organizations at achieving stated objectives depends upon their capacity to adopt new criteria of effectiveness.     

联盟的起源：理性主义研究新进展

联盟作为具有战略意义的一种国家间关系,对其研究在国际关系理论中占据了一个十分重要的位置,也有助于学者们将具有普遍意义的国际关系理论运用于具体的国际关系研究。围绕着联盟的起源这一主题,理性主义国际关系理论提出了许多重要的见解。在最近的十多年来,这一主题的研究又与单极体系内的联盟现实相结合,提出和分析了如下方面的核心问题：联盟需要什么样的共同利益基础;制衡性的联盟为何没有出现;国际结构如何塑造大国的联盟选择;地理因素如何影响联盟的形成以及联盟起源的其他根源有哪些。理性主义国际关系理论的这些研究都具有一定的启发意义,但总的来看,现实主义范式的研究占据了主流地位,系统性的理论创新不够,并没有提出解释联盟起源的新的核心概念,即如果把联盟界定为一种明确、稳定的战略关系,而非仅仅是针对安全威胁的军事同盟的话,仅有结构现实主义和威胁平衡理论是不够的;联盟起源的理论研究仍然具有较为广阔的空间。建构一种更加普遍的、有强大解释力的利益关系概念,在此基础上推导出国家的联盟选择战略,将会有助于更加具体深入地了解联盟的起源。     

Reviving the Russian empire: the Crimean intervention through a neoclassical realist lens

Although many policy-makers and scholars maintain that international norms have altered the motivations underlying state behaviour, this article argues that states continue to pursue national self-interest, but in ways that remain understudied. While traditional realist assumptions explain a great deal of state behaviour, they have not been widely used to account for important alternative tools of state intervention, such as economic and normative strategies. Focusing on the case of Russia's 2014 intervention in Ukraine, this article offers insights into how, and under what circumstances, these tools are used to accomplish traditional state objectives. Guided by the tenets of neoclassical realism, the article argues that in the case of Russia, military force is no longer the sole, or even the primary, means used to accomplish traditional security goals. Such dynamics have significant theoretical and policy implications for contemporary international relations.     

The Political Cost-Effectiveness of Private Vessel Protection: The Italian Case

Italy has traditionally been wary of private providers of security. Still, private military and security companies (PMSCs) have recently started to play an important role in protecting Italian merchant vessels, eventually replacing the military vessel protection detachment units (VPDs) provided by the Italian Navy. Drawing on neoclassical realism, the increasing involvement of PMSCs in protecting Italian merchant ships is presented as an attempt to reduce the political costs associated with the use of military personnel abroad, epitomised by the arrest of two Italian Navy fusiliers by Indian authorities in February 2012.     

Epistemic policy networks in the European Union’s CBRN risk mitigation policy

This paper offers insights into an innovative and currently flagship approach of the European Union (EU) to the mitigation of chemical, biological, radiological, and nuclear (CBRN) risks. Building on its long-time experience in the CBRN field, the EU has incorporated methods familiar to the students of international security governance: it is establishing regional networks of experts and expertise. CBRN Centers of Excellence, as they are officially called, aim to contribute to the security and safety culture in different parts of Africa, the Middle East, South East Asia, and South East Europe, in the broadly construed CBRN area. These regional networks represent a modern form of security cooperation, which can be conceptualized as an epistemic policy networks approach. It offers flexibility to the participating states, which have different incentives to get involved. At the same, however, the paper identifies potential limitations and challenges of epistemic policy networks in this form.     

广义安全的本体、视界与范式：“关系和合度”解析

基于中国关系本体论对安全的本体和视界进行解析,并且建构中国的安全理论范式,是为全球安全治理提供中国方案的重要方面。安全是一种什么样的“实在”,这是十分重要的本体论问题;而以什么样的“视界”考察安全,则是非常棘手的认识论难题。“关系和合度”解析为“广义安全论”视域下的安全本体、视界与范式提供了哲学诠释。安全是“关系性实在”,是和合状态的共享性秩序,是呈现人与世界“广义性联系”的“关系和合度”。如果关系的和合程度是安全获得的程度,那么安全就是以“关系和合度”为自变量的函数,广义安全便是呈现人与世界“关系和合度”的安全,是“行为体间的优态共存”。广义安全凸显“关系和合度”的适然性,安全之境即是保持优态共存的“适然之境”,是当下所发生的一切关系的总体性和合,这为总体国家安全观以及全球安全观提供了理论支撑。广义安全观是集成与整合诸安全构成要素与安全领域的大安全理念,是“场域安全”思维的完好体现,是多重时空关系状态与多种活动性质特点的融合。     

‘At least 2001’: US security policy and exit strategy in Bosnia

This article describes and analyzes the United States’ security conduct in Bosnia since the Dayton Accords of November 1995, and its involvement in the multilateral conflict resolution and peacebuilding effort. From this analysis, the conclusion is that it will be difficult for the US to exit from its engagement in Bosnia. Various explanations are offered for the formulation of American policy: norms and values, alliance politics and the role of NATO, bureaucratic and congressional influence, as well as presidential leadership. The most important factor remains affirmation of US leadership to make the peacebuilding mission in Bosnia a successful one.     

政治领导与大国崛起安全

道义现实主义国际关系理论的核心原理是:决定大国兴衰的根本原因是大国的政治领导力,其本质是一国政府为适应不断变动的国际国内战略环境而进行改革的方向、决心与能力。根据道义现实主义原理,中国综合国力居世界第二位是中国制定崛起目标和策略的基础,符合国力基础的目标和战略就易于成功,而超越实力基础的目标和战略则会削弱中国的实力。道义现实主义认为,外交承诺与实力保持一致有利于提高国际战略信誉,从而减少国际社会对崛起国的恐惧和反对;为周边国家提供安全保障可获得对崛起国的战略支持;为减少崛起的国际阻力,崛起国应在新兴领域拓展利益范围而尽量避免在传统领域的利益冲突。在信息化时代,在网络空间拓展中国国际战略利益应成为中国主攻方向,网络战略应采取\"走出去\"原则而非为了安全的防御原则。在外部威胁不足以颠覆中国崛起的情况下,为防止中国的崛起半途夭折的重点将是防范国内的极左陷阱。\"台独\"正在成为中国崛起面临的首要威胁,中美在南海的战略竞争将长期化,朝鲜拥核是中国的东北亚地区政策无法回避的既成事实。     

东亚安全形势与日本安保政策调整

东亚安全形势总体稳定。日本刻意渲染东亚威胁特别是\"中国威胁\",迎合美国\"亚太再平衡\"战略,对安保政策进行战后以来的大幅调整。主要内容包括重构国家安保顶层设计;调整防卫理念,增强自主防卫力量;修改\"武器出口三原则\"、步步解禁集体自卫权,颠覆战后专守防卫政策;调整对外安保关系,加强日美安保同盟,构筑地区多层安保框架等。日本安保政策的调整具有深远影响。首先,在重塑与加强自身防卫的同时,打造出战后以来日本最具危险性的政军体制,使日本成为东亚安全中突出的不稳定因素。其次,不利于中日安全互信的建立,复杂和恶化了中日关系及中国周边安全环境,使东亚本就存在的安全困境更为恶化。最后,使日美同盟从防御/威慑的内向型同盟转变为威慑/进攻的外向型同盟。日本防卫政策的调整在加强美国对东亚安全事务干涉与掌控能力的同时,也提升了日本的自主性与主导性,日本不正常的\"国家正常化\"又前进了一步,最终将破坏日美同盟及美国的东亚安全战略。     

安全不可分割：理论内涵与实现路径

安全不可分割是全球安全倡议的重要原则。这一概念经历了和平不可分割、欧洲安全不可分割、俄罗斯—大西洋安全不可分割以及全球安全不可分割四个发展阶段。其理论内核为主体间安全不可分割、安全风险复合体不可分割、全球安全社会不可分割;其实践主张包括自身安全与共同安全、传统安全与非传统安全、安全权利与安全义务以及安全与发展不可分割。全球安全倡议以“均衡、有效和可持续”为基本框架,通过威胁驱动、利益驱动和认同驱动促进全球安全不可分割,进而促进国际社会的普遍安全。安全不可分割原则体现了全球安全倡议的核心价值,是中国为世界和平、繁荣与稳定作出的重要贡献。     

European security policy for the people? Public opinion and the EU's Common Foreign,Security and Defence policy

The democratic foundations of European integration in the foreign and defence realm are increasingly being debated. This article looks at the question of democratic legitimacy from one particular angle, by examining public opinion as measured in Eurobarometer surveys between 1989 and 2009. Based on reflections about the relation between polling results and wider questions of democracy, it examines three aspects of public opinion: general support for a common foreign and a common defence policy; differences among support rates in EU member states; and what roles Europeans would prefer for European armed forces. It turns out that general support for a common foreign policy is high, whereas the desirability of a common defence policy is much more contested. Moreover, citizens across Europe would prefer European armed forces to take on traditional tasks, as territorial defence. An EU defence policy that goes beyond strict intergovernmentalism and is directed towards protecting international law and universal human rights would thus require a significant communicative effort to become accepted.     

论能源安全的公共产品属性与能源安全共同体构建

能源资源是大自然对人类社会的馈赠,本质上是各国和人民都有权享受的公共资源,对这种权利的安全保障是能源安全的应有之义。能源安全本质上是一项公共产品,突出能源安全的公共属性有助于能源安全的不断完善,有助于世界经济的发展和人类福祉的提高。从国家能源安全、区域能源安全到全球能源安全,国际能源安全的公共属性不断加强。国际能源安全公共属性特征的变化为\"能源安全共同体\"的形成创造了客观条件,国际社会各行为体有必要在主观认识上朝构建\"能源安全共同体\"的方向努力。\"能源安全共同体\"建构可从区域经济一体化开始,强化区域经济一体化组织成员对共同体的认识,把能源安全作为实现区域一体化的又一重要抓手,改革、完善和创新有关国际组织和机制,通过\"政府间主义\"—\"跨国家主义\"—\"超国家主义\"的路径演变逻辑,通过功能主义的纵向整合,构建层次递进的国际能源安全共同体。     

Germany and European security governance: how well does the Birmingham model perform?

Abstract

The expansion of the security agenda after the end of the Cold War, propelled by the blowback of 11 September 2001, raises questions about the German ability and willingness to contribute to the regional and global security governance tasks facing Europe and Germany's continuing fidelity to its post-war European avocation. It also calls for a reconsideration of the Birmingham model of foreign policy analysis, particularly its emphasis on (and interpretation of) the ideational and institutional factors defining the German foreign policy agenda and shaping German foreign policy behaviour, at least with respect to the implementation (rather than formulation) of European Union security policies. Towards assessing the continuing utility of the Birmingham model, this article proceeds in three steps: the presentation of the Birmingham model and its restatement as six conjectures; a discussion of the security governance functions undertaken by the EU and the collective action problem facing Europe (and Germany) in executing them; and an empirical investigation of Germany's contribution to the EU as a security actor since 1990.     

Overcoming US-North Korean Enmity: Lessons from an Eclectic IR Approach

ABSTRACT

Periods of mutual enmity in US-North Korean relations are typically interrupted by more conciliatory gestures. How can the many twists and turns in this relationship be explained and hopefully overcome so that more long-lasting détente is accomplished? Drawing eclectically on realism and constructivism, we conclude that a nuclear deal should address not only North Korea’s interests in security and regime survival, but also its status concerns. Applying the same theories to the other part of the dyad – the US – we conclude that it may now have material interests in ameliorating the relationship, but that such a development requires US foreign policy discourse to cease depicting North Korea as “irrational” and “evil”.