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1.
Military reform, which is led by the U. S. and sweeping its way to the rest of the world, has now become one of the hottest topics in inter- national military arena. Japan makes no exception. The reconstruction of its military forces, which is still in progress, is concentrated on the following two aspects. One is the enlargement of the functions of the Self-Defense Forces (SDF). Participation in overseas operations is in-  相似文献   

2.
China's military security is now in the best shape after the founding of the People's Republic of China (PRC) in 1949. For a long time after its founding, Chinasuffered military threats from the two superpowers at different periods and had militaryconflicts with them at different places. Direct foreign military threats did not disappearuntil the end of the Cold War. The disappearance of such military threats is due to the  相似文献   

3.
I. Essence of the Military Transparency The concept of military transparency, which bears the official significance and is regarded as a standard of measuring national conducts, originated from the United Nations Resolution 35/142B entitled Reduction of Military Budgets adopted on 12 December, 1980 and other relevant UN resolutions which provided the basis for formulating the military transparency system. Over the past few years, the United States often has repeatedly asked China to meet its demands on the issue of military transparency. However,  相似文献   

4.
China-U.S, military relationship, one of the most important and complicated bilateral military relationships, is subjected to more restraining factors than any other military relationships in the current world. It has always been regarded as the "barometer" of the development of the relations between the two countries. Over the past 30 years since the two countries established diplomatic ties, bilateral military relationship has undergone an exceedingly unsmooth course of development. Nevertheless, along with the increase of common interests, China-U.S.  相似文献   

5.
Abstract

This article discusses Russian perceptions of and attitudes toward the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Russia has historically disliked and mistrusted NATO, seeing it as the primary threat to its international aspirations; in practice Russia pursues a dual policy. Its harsh condemnation of NATO has not stopped it from cooperating in selected areas of mutual interest. The most important among them is support for NATO's military operations in Afghanistan. The recent rejuvenation of relations between the west and Moscow is known as the strategic ‘reset’, meaning a return to diplomatic contacts and limited cooperation regardless of disagreements over the invasion of Georgia and Moscow's other recent international transgressions. The reset in NATO–Russia relations has only tactical significance, however. Cooperation will take place on a limited basis, but a genuine reset in mutual relations must wait for a reset in Russia's political and strategic priorities.  相似文献   

6.
Military strength has long been designed as a pillar for India's na- tional strategic goal of striving for the status of a world big power through control over the Indian Ocean with a solid groundwork in South Asia. At a time of IT-centered global military revolution the country aims at becoming a global military power by the year 2015 through military reforms geared to her military and national conditions in the following ways: ? Making timely readjustments in military strategy. India put …  相似文献   

7.
For many years, major Western countries have all along held that the rapid increase of its comprehensive national strength offers china an opportunity "to make the country rich and the army strong". In their eyes, in the late 1990s, China's military expenditure kept growing by two-digit percentage, the orientation of China's military modernization was not clear, and China's intention in national defense, the scope and composition of its army, the use of military expenditure and military deployments all remained in a "non-transparent" status. They asserted that all this had constituted challenges and threat to the surrounding countries. In raising the issue of China's military transparency, these countries did not refer to bilateral or multilateral issues, but mostly requested China to become unilaterally and all-dimensionally transparent in military affairs. They are publicizing China's military transparency either out of their belated knowledge, or lack of trust in China, or for paving the way for concocting the "China threat" theory.  相似文献   

8.
Proponents and critics of the democratic peace have debated the extent to which covert attempts by democracies to overthrow other elected governments are consistent with or contradict democratic peace theory. The existing debate, however, fails to acknowledge that there are multiple democratic peace theories and that inter-democratic covert intervention might have different implications for different arguments. In this article, we first distill hypotheses regarding covert foreign regime change from three theories of democratic peace. Relying primarily on declassified government documents, we then investigate these hypotheses in the context of U.S. covert intervention in Chile (1970–73). The evidence suggests that covert intervention is highly inconsistent with norms and checks-and-balances theories of democratic peace. The evidence is more consistent with selectorate theory, but questions remain because democratic leaders undertook interventions with a low likelihood of success and a high likelihood that failure would be publicized, which would constitute exactly the type of policy failure that democratic executives supposedly avoid.  相似文献   

9.
The current global military security situation is characterized byrising uncertainties and interlocked traditional/nontraditionalsecurity threats with militaries deploying in advance for the unpredict-able future in a bid to build a favorable environment …  相似文献   

10.
The Brussels Agreement signed between Britain and Spain in 1984 aimed to resolve all aspects of the dispute over Gibraltar, including sovereignty, which dated back to the Treaty of Utrecht of 1713. Desultory progress was made in negotiations until 2001, when the British Government decided to attempt to negotiate a joint sovereignty agreement. From the outset two non-negotiable (‘red-line’) issues on Britain's part were established: the agreement must be permanent, and it must be subject to a referendum in Gibraltar. As the negotiations progressed, a third ‘red-line’ issue emerged: Britain insisted on retaining control of Gibraltar's military facilities. The article explores how this third issue emerged and the possible reasons why it did so following 9/11.  相似文献   

11.
The world military security situation has entered a period of readjustment and transformation following the events of 9/11 and the ensuing war against terror. The "arc of crisis" in peripheral areas of the Eurasian continent and other regions is unsettled or tumultuous. Confronted by these new situations and challenges, military forces throughout the world have reassessed their respective strategic environment and adopted new transforming measures, which have brought about a dramatic change in military circumstances, thinking and operation in every country. More specifically, the U.S. unipolar military power has expanded, while at the same time is constrained by various internal and external factors. Worldwide military competition is becoming more complicated. Nuclear proliferation and upgrading has steadily developed, paving the way for an arms race on land, sea and in the air. Thus, the world's military situation is becoming more complex, with various factors-conflicts between unilateral and multilateral poles, cooperation and competition, readjustment and transformation, stability and instability-all interconnected.  相似文献   

12.
Abstract

Central and Eastern European countries have made significant progress in their efforts to democratize postcommunist civil–military relations. Appointing civilian ministers of defense, improving institutional arrangements and asserting legislative oversight over the armed forces have been key priorities. Problems still abound and levels of reform vary in the region even after NATO's second enlargement since 1989. Challenges remain concerning competent democratic civilian management, and effective defense reform planning and implementation. This article argues that the lack of an integrated Ministry of Defense, the low level of civilian interest in defense matters, the reform-deterrent attitude of political and military elite, and ambiguous institutional lines of authority are factors that still hamper civil–military relations in Bulgaria. I assert that the domestic political environment and international factors together facilitate democratic civilian control over the armed forces.  相似文献   

13.
This article challenges the almost universal consensus that post–Cold War neoconservative foreign policy has been characterised by the objective of “exporting democracy” abroad for strategic or moral reasons or both. Instead, the article contends that the touchstone of neoconservatism was the attempt to preserve America's so-called “unipolar moment”—its apparent position as the single pole of power in every region of the world. Moving beyond the abstract and grandiose rhetoric employed by many neocons, the article points out that neocons made a distinction between the respective uses of military and non-military power, arguing that the former should be reserved only for situations where strategic interests were at stake rather than for the sake of ideals. The article goes on to argue that this focus on strategic interests facilitated a close alliance with other conservative nationalists who were also dedicated to maintaining America's position as the single pole of world power. Thus neoconservatism should be analysed and evaluated—by both conservatives and liberal interventionists alike—on the basis that it was a strategy dedicated primarily to preserving American unipolarity, not to the promotion of ideals.  相似文献   

14.
Abstract

The article analyses the processes and outcomes of military reforms during the two Schröder governments (1998–2005). These reforms are the litmus test for Germany's willingness and ability to play an important role in crisis-management tasks as part of NATO, CESDP and the UN. The study argues that, despite its strengths, the concept of strategic culture provides only a partial explanation of military reform in Germany. The article illustrates the strongly self-referential nature of Bundeswehr reform, despite adaptational pressures from the EU and NATO and the role of ‘international structure’. The domestic politics of base closures, ramifications for social policy, economic and financial restrictions consequent upon German unification and commitment to EMU's Stability and Growth Pact were critical in determining the outcomes of the reform processes undertaken by Defence Ministers Rudolf Scharping and Peter Struck. The study also draws out the important role of policy leaders in the political manipulation of reform as entrepreneurs, brokers or veto-players and in controlling the extent of adaptational pressure from NATO and the EU. In doing so, the article shifts the focus of leadership studies in Germany away from the Chancellor to an examination of the role of ministerial and administrative leadership within the core executive.  相似文献   

15.
Along with dynamics in international life and advances in military revolution,a profound transformation is under way in world security landscape at the be-ginning of the new tentury. A new round of military expansion is in progress among major military powers, notably the United States and-its Western aUies. thereby aggravating imbalances in the world mititary strategic configuration. This will pose new challenges to world peace and development.  相似文献   

16.
This paper assesses the relative importance of force employment as a cause of military victory. It focuses on the adoption of the modern system in interstate wars since 1917. Using cases, contingency tables, and regression analysis, we find that war participants who use the modern system are significantly more likely to succeed in decisive battlefield engagements. However, the modern system does not predict victory at a higher rate than more traditional unit-level explanations for combat effectiveness, suggesting that it might function as a causal mechanism linking factors like regime type and material endowments with martial capabilities. Exploring the possible links between unit-level explanations of military power and the organizational-level force employment indicators, we find that more materially powerful states and democracies tend to implement the modern system at a higher rate than other types of actors, but more extreme autocracies also frequently adopt. Combined, these findings suggest the relevance of continuing to explore how organizational-level variables impact military effectiveness.  相似文献   

17.
《国际相互影响》2012,38(3):367-385
Do military regimes spend more on the military than other regime types? All leaders cater to their winning coalition. For military leaders, core supporters are other members of the military. To solicit support from this group, first, leaders are persuaded to spend more on the military to ensure their political survival, while other autocratic leaders tend to view the military as a competing power center. Second, the cost of repressing challenges from the public in military regimes is cheaper than in other regimes; therefore, leaders in military regimes allocate more resources to the military to satisfy them. We test this argument by examining military spending in different regime types for 1960–2000. The empirical results from Prais-Winsten regression with panel-corrected standard errors indicate that military regimes allocate more, on average, to the military than other regimes and that military rulers brought into power through military coups or who have experienced military coup attempts against them increase their military resource allocation.  相似文献   

18.
Abstract

Budgetary cuts are characterized by distinct political, organizational, and psychological dynamics in contrast to increases. Ideally, policymakers rank, prioritize, and assess among likely strategic challenges to identify the appropriate offices, programs, line items, or service branches in which to curtail spending. Targeted cuts—preserving some line items or services while cutting others—occurred during the Eisenhower, Kennedy, Ford, and Clinton administrations. In contrast, the Nixon, H.W. Bush, and Obama administrations implemented across-the-board cuts, impacting all areas of the budget uniformly, regardless of strategic priorities. We argue that the ability of the executive to target and redirect spending commensurate with national security needs are constrained by domestic interests. However, the degree to which the threat environment is diverse conditions the number of available policy options and, in turn, executive capacity to implement targeted cuts vis-à-vis parochial interests.  相似文献   

19.
Abstract

Civil–military coordination between missions with the same top end of command and belonging to the same organization should increase the effectiveness of both missions even more than in a traditional interaction between military and civilian organizations. Nevertheless, the two EU missions in Bosnia, EUPM and EUFOR, which were both engaged in the fight against organized crime, had to undergo a difficult process until a decent level of cooperation was achieved. The article tries to describe the problems encountered and to address key factors, such as different concepts of operation, problems in the chain of command, a lack of accountability and—most importantly—the human factor, that hampered this cooperation.  相似文献   

20.
Military transparency is a complicated and sensitive issue in the Sino-U.S. relations and also a touchstone testing the degree of their interest coincidence. One can hardly gain a full and profound insight into the essential implication of military transparency if he is dominated by the realist logic and putting undue emphasis on the importance of it in the bilateral military relation. Given the fact that China and the United States are two important powers shouldering critical responsibilit…  相似文献   

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