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1.
Hochul Lee 《当代中国》2013,22(80):312-331
China reacted very differently to the first and second North Korean nuclear crisis: engaging in passive and ‘behind-the-scenes’ diplomacy in the first and choosing more proactive and ‘stage-managing’ diplomacy in the second. This article has sought to explain this striking contrast in China's foreign behavior. Though most studies tend to rely on Chinese strategic and security interests in explaining China's proactive diplomacy as demonstrated in the six-party talks, those strategic and security interests do not explain directly the contrasting foreign behavior of China. China faced basically equal strategic and security concerns and equally dangerous potential military conflict between the US and North Korea through the first and the second nuclear crises. This article, then, argues that ‘same interests, but different behaviors’ should be explained not by China's external interest calculus but by internal changes within China itself. By the turn of the new millennium, China had undergone an evolutionary change of state identity from a cautious accommodator to an active constructor, or from a state of ‘taoguang yanghui’ to a state of ‘fuzeren daguo’. The contrasting foreign behaviors in the first and second nuclear crises are profoundly reflective of this identity shift of China.  相似文献   

2.
Zhou Yongming 《当代中国》2005,14(44):543-562
This article focuses on the so-called ‘military websites’ in Chinese cyberspace to examine the complexity of contemporary Chinese nationalism. By pointing out the fact that the majority of members of military websites are well educated and well informed, yet nationalistic and anti-Western, the author argues that the key factor in shaping their nationalist thinking is the formation of a new interest-driven game-playing paradigm in the past two decades which the Chinese use to interpret national policies and international relations today. Ironically, much of the new interpretative framework has been borrowed from Western concepts and ideas, including Comprehensive National Power, National Interests, and Rules of the Game. Equipped with this new paradigm to interpret the received information and look at the world, the more informed Chinese are the more nationalist they may be, as demonstrated by the responses to the plane bugging incident by Chinese net surfers.  相似文献   

3.
"不战而屈人之兵"、"知彼知己,因敌制胜"、"先为不可胜,以待敌之可胜"、"避实击虚,致人而不致于人"等共同构成了孙子的战略指导思想体系,其中蕴涵着丰富的军事辩证思维,揭示了军事领域重要的军事范畴,对我们制定和实施战略指导具有重要的借鉴作用。  相似文献   

4.
当代中国社会主义协商民主是我国社会主义协商民主制度文化传承与实践的不断延续。其发生和发展,从历史上就有着深厚的传统文化底蕴。我国人民民主协商的重要形式所体现出来的哲学智慧与思维方式,来源于中华民族悠久的传统文化和中国共产党领导下的新民主主义革命以来的历史实践延续。可以说,我国社会主义协商民主制度植根于中华优秀文化传统,并孕育和初步形成了中国革命历史进程中的新民主主义文化,在当代社会主义先进文化的培育和推动下更加完善。  相似文献   

5.
论军事文化的经济价值   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
军事文化对社会经济发展有积极促进的一面 ,这种促进作用是在军事文化与社会文化的互动中实现的。军事文化的经济价值主要由战争特点所决定 ,具体表现在军事科学理论知识、军事伦理价值观、军事谋略与思维、军事组织管理对经济技术发展的作用上  相似文献   

6.
Hung-Jen Wang 《当代中国》2013,22(81):518-534
In this paper I address the question of how Chinese scholars participate in scientific knowledge production by appropriating Western IR theories, primarily by examining interactions between North American theories that claim universality and China-specific IR efforts. Drawing on post-Mao era publications and books, I discuss how increasingly independent Chinese IR scholars are portraying their country's rising status in international politics and identifying China's national interests, while still emphasizing socialist concepts such as anti-hegemonism. The result is a form of Chinese IR scholarship that combines Western IR language with a worldview that emphasizes a modern China within the context of traditional socialist foreign policy norms. I will argue that Chinese scholarly discussions about IR theory building reflect efforts to present ‘their rising China’ (as individually perceived) in the study, research, and development of IR theory in response to the appearance of modern IR methods that require new definitions and new roles for old socialist forms. In this context, identity concerns are more important than the actual theories being established or appropriated.  相似文献   

7.
军队现代化建设跨越式发展 ,是我军提出的一个充满远见、智慧和想象力的宏伟战略构想 ,是贯彻新时期军事战略方针 ,加速军队信息化建设的重要选择。它不仅有着丰富的内涵 ,而且有着科学的理论基础。与西方发达国家军队的发展模式相比 ,“非对称发展”是它的本质。  相似文献   

8.
抗日战争是中华民族近代史上第一次取得完全胜利的民族解放战争,是世界反法西斯战争的重要组成部分。充分认识中国人民为夺取世界反法西斯战争的胜利做出的历史性贡献,正视日本军国主义曾经给我国及亚太地区人民带来的深重灾难,对于我们正确认识和牢记历史,反对日本右翼势力篡改和美化侵略战争,警惕军国主义势力东山再起,与各国人民一道共同维护世界和平,具有重要而深远的意义。  相似文献   

9.
The 2010 shooting of 13 miners at Zambia's small, privately-owned ‘Chinese’ Collum Coal Mine (CCM) has been represented by Western and Zambian politicians and media as exemplifying the ‘neo-colonial’ and ‘amoral’ practices of ‘China’ and ‘the Chinese’ in Africa. CCM has been used to provide a sharp contrast to the supposed ways of the Western firms that own most of Zambia's mines. Embedded in racial hierarchy and notions of strategic competition between the West and China, the discourse of the CCM shootings further shapes conceptions of global China and Chinese overseas. While examining all the oppressive conditions that have given rise to protest at the mine, we contextualize the shooting and subsequent conflicts. In analyzing CCM's marginal and troubled development, we discuss aspects of the 2010 shooting incident known to miners and union leaders, but ignored by politicians and media. We look at the shooting's political fallout, focus also on the epilogue that was the 2012 CCM riot—in which one Chinese person was murdered and several others seriously injured—and trace the sometimes violent discontent manifested at other foreign-owned mines in Zambia since their privatization in the late 1990s. The empirical data for this detailed study derive from hundreds of documentary sources and interviews with union leaders, workers, officials and others in Zambia from 2011 to 2013.  相似文献   

10.
党的十九大提出了中国特色社会主义进入新时代的新判断和加快建设创新型国家的战略任务。加快创新型国家建设,这是新时代应对新科技革命和产业变革的机遇与挑战、解决新时代我国社会主要矛盾、建设中国特色社会主义现代化强国、实现中华民族伟大复兴的需要。新时代创新型国家建设,必须从加强各领域科技创新、完善与优化国家创新体系、建设高端科技创新人才队伍、深化科技体制改革、培育创新文化等方面全面协调推进。  相似文献   

11.
Michael Yahuda 《当代中国》2013,22(81):446-459
China's new assertiveness in the South China Sea has arisen from the growth of its military power, its ‘triumphalism’ in the wake of the Western financial crisis and its heightened nationalism. The other littoral states of the South China Sea have been troubled by the opacity of Chinese politics and of the process of military decision-making amid a proliferation of apparently separately controlled maritime forces. The more active role being played by the United States in the region, in part as a response to Chinese activism, has troubled Beijing. While most of the ASEAN states have welcomed America as a hedge against growing Chinese power, their economies have become increasingly dependent upon China and they don't want to be a party to any potential conflict between these two giants. The problem is that there is no apparent resolution to what the Chinese call, in effect, these ‘indisputable disputes’.  相似文献   

12.
RUSSELL ONG 《当代中国》2007,16(53):717-727
This article explores the enduring impact of the Western strategy of ‘peaceful evolution’ (heping yanbian) on China's political security. This non-military strategy is given an added significance in an era of the lone superpower, when American military might can provide the buttress. ‘Peaceful evolution’ can also overlap with the US notion of ‘regime change’, which often entails military intervention to bring about a desired political transformation in a particular state. Specifically, the strategy of ‘peaceful evolution’ still constitutes a serious threat to China because it needs to continue opening up to the West for the sake of economic modernisation.  相似文献   

13.
The literature on Sino–African relations has debated whether or not China's growing presence is a threat to Western or African interests, and has come to the conclusion that China's behavior is not uniquely immoral. Many countries, including Western liberal democracies, similarly give aid to local autocrats to secure natural resources. Why, then, has so much effort been made to come to this perhaps unsurprising conclusion? We argue that the literature on Chinese foreign policy remains heavily influenced by Western states' policy interests, resulting in an impoverished debate that is primarily concerned with the idea of a China threat. In order to recover the diversity in our research on Chinese foreign policy, we argue for the need to go beyond the confines of Western strategic interests.  相似文献   

14.
时间观念的解析及中西方传统时间观的比较   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
赵仲牧 《思想战线》2002,28(5):77-88
时间哲学是中西方哲学中的基础理论之一 ,我们选择以时间观念为支点去探讨时间哲学中的某些理论问题 ,可以为时间观念中的时间流程制定几套分类模式 ,其中之一是将时间三分为物理时间、人文时间和心理时间。不同的国家、民族、对时间观念的理解各有异同 ,认真梳理中西方传统的时间观 ,从不同侧面分析其间的差异 ,可以看到两种各具特色的时间观 ,特别是能看到中国传统哲学中时间观的民族风格  相似文献   

15.
孙子的“重战、慎战、善战”思想及其当代价值   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
孙子从春秋战国时期战乱频发的社会现实出发,以兵家独有的现实主义态度和战略家的睿智,提出了"重战、慎战、善战"的战略思想.这一战略思想,对于当代中国实现富国与强军、走和平发展道路、维护国家安全和发展利益,具有重要的借鉴意义.  相似文献   

16.
正Yang Qian,21,gained her fame for being so poised and collected for her age.On July 24,the Chinese shooter won the first gold medal of the Olympic Summer Games Tokyo 2020 with a victory in the women's 10-meter air rifle,followed by Anastasiia Galashina of Russia who took the silver and Nina Christen of Switzerland who bagged the bronze.  相似文献   

17.
自由主义作为西方社会的主流思潮渊远流长,是现代资本主义文明发生发展所依托的重要思想理论,是现代文明的基本思潮之一。西方自由主义传人近代中国,对中国社会产生了至关重要的影响,也对我们今天的改革开放具有思考和启示意义。近代中国的自由主义正是西方文化传人中国以后与中国本土文化相碰撞的结果,自由主义思潮与中国近代社会密不可分。这里试图从自由主义在近代中国产生的悖论以及西方自由主义与传统儒学的关系的角度,探讨近代中国自由主义的发展演进历程,并且进一步从西方自由主义思想与近代中国自由主义思潮的对照,比较分析近代中国自由主义思潮的发展流变,以此为我们今天的思想发展提供借鉴和启示。  相似文献   

18.
军事哲学存在的价值和根据 ,首先在于它适应了当代军事理论与军事实践发展的需要。军事哲学应当立足于哲学与军事两个领域 ,将哲学的思维方法运用于对军事理论的反思 ,充分发挥哲学的批判功能 ,从而在推动军事理论的创新上发挥其特有的作用。  相似文献   

19.
This article answers the following question: ‘What is the organizational medium that has allowed a few Chinese businesspeople in East and Southeast Asia to accumulate considerable wealth and economic power?’ In the course of giving an answer, we show the organizational differences between traditional business networks in the late Qing and early Republican periods and the Chinese business networks in modern capitalist Asia. We argue that, throughout the twentieth century, Chinese business people outside of China proper began to adapt Western corporate structures for their own purposes and that this organizational innovation allowed Chinese to develop and sustain personal networks through which wealth and power could be concentrated.  相似文献   

20.
中国古代浓重的巫术意识对中国古代的政治、军事、法律、文化、民俗乃至中国人的思维方式和价值观念都产生过非常深刻的影响。巫术凭借其深厚的民间信仰基础参与了中国传统文化品格的塑造并一直影响着它的发展。巫术虽然被现代文明逼向历史的边缘和角落,但其生息繁衍的力量却一直未曾衰竭。巫术的存在有着深厚的社会学、心理学基础,曾一度起着积极的作用。  相似文献   

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