Islam and nationalism in west Turkestan (Central Asia) on the eve of October revolution 1

West Turkestan at the eve of the October revolution was a colony of the tsarists with the exception of the Amaret of Bukhara, which was a pro‐tecterate without any right in conducting its external affairs. The colonizers believed in the supremacy of the Russian way of life, and after witnessing the resistance of the Muslims to russification, they attempted in destroying Islamic institutions by outlawing their sources of support (such as waqf), and also coopting many of the Muslims into the colonial bureaucracy. In general, the tsarists tried to rule the area indirectly and did not interfere with the religious and civic ceremonies of the Muslims. They, however, did manipulate the population of the area by dividing them into many administrative units and inflaming ancient rivalaries among various ethnic groups when suited them. They destroyed any movement which tended in wresting the power from the colonialists. Various societies were organized by the Turkestanis in order to modernize their society and eventually rid their lands from the invaders. Many of the membership of these local organizations advocated Pan‐Islamism and/or Pan‐Turkism, both of which aimed at the liberation of Turkestan. They were crushed by the Russians. A group of mostly intellectuals, the Jadidists, who had the backing of the very small middle class such as the merchants and some Russian inteligentsia aimed in reforming their societies from within. Their programs which aimed at the modernization of the area was resisted by the Amirs and also by some of the ‘uluma, the religious leaders. The Russians also saw in the Jadidis't program a program for national liberation. Consequently at the eve of the October revolution these intellectuals (the Jadidists) were caught between the Amir and the ‘uluma on the one hand, and the Russian colonizers on the other, and were rooted out completely. Some who survived joined the Soviets (who came to power in 1918) and others, usually the betteroff ones either left the area or joined with beks, bais, and the ‘uluma to organize a grassroot opposition to the Soviets, the Basmachi movement which plagued the Red army for many years.     

The Chinese Nationalists and the Great Rear Area : Wartime Szechwan*

Abstract

Kang Youwei’s successive visits to Canada from 1899 initiated a reformist movement among the worldwide Chinese diaspora for over a decade. But his Canadian experience has long been neglected, and the overseas Chinese movement has often been downplayed as an extension or even regression from the abortive 1898 Reform. The rise and fall of the movement have been ascribed respectively to Kang’s reformist mobilization for monarchist patriotism and to the political challenge of the anti-Qing revolutionaries. This article, however, argues that Kang’s diasporic experience, especially his interactions with the Chinese in Canada, greatly radicalized and expanded his reforms. His new program for reform of both China and the Chinese diaspora enabled his movement to spread from Canada to the global arena. This movement also began to decline from Canada around 1909 because of Kang’s clashes with leaders of Canadian Chinatowns. Nonetheless, it caused unprecedented politicization and integration of overseas Chinese.     

中东欧地区大国博弈新态势--兼论中国-中东欧国家合作面临的挑战与机遇

在地缘安全、能源、价值观等方面,美国、以德国为主要代表的欧盟国家以及俄罗斯在中东欧地区有着广泛而重要的利益。三者的互动关系呈现美俄博弈主导中东欧安全形势,美德(欧)联合制俄但共识有限,美德(欧)对中国在中东欧的经济介入保持警惕但难以形成合力三个特征。随着中美竞争的持续,美德(欧)与以波兰、匈牙利为代表的中东欧国家在价值观上的分歧扩大,美德(欧)对俄罗斯的地缘政治攻势升级,中东欧地区的大国力量格局发生了新的变化。美国对中国的战略围堵压力持续加大,以德国为代表的欧盟国家对中东欧国家的控制力不断降低,俄罗斯反“守”为“攻”回应西方威胁,而德国新政府和新一届欧盟委员会对华政策更加突出价值观因素,导致中国—中东欧国家合作面临的地缘政治压力总体上有增无减。但是,美欧内部也并非铁板一块,以德国为代表的欧盟国家在中东欧控制力的弱化以及美欧与波兰、匈牙利等国关系的恶化,也为持续推进中国—中东欧国家合作带来了潜在机遇。以上因素作为影响中东欧国家对华政策的重要变量,需要密切关注。     

伟大的开创者--试论毛泽东对创立中国特色社会主义理论的贡献

毛泽东是中国特色社会主义理论的开创者之一.他参加创建中国特色社会主义理论的过程不是照搬"苏联模式"的过程,而是一个不断突破这种模式和不断创新的过程.在这个过程中有许多宝贵的经验,也有不少沉痛的教训.无论是经验还是教训,都是弥足珍贵的遗产,我们必须加以继承,以利于我们更好地进行社会主义现代化建设的实践.     

Securing the Only Game in Town: The EU's Political Conditionality and Democratic Consolidation in Post-Soviet Latvia

The state of democracy in post-communist Europe has been subject to some debate in recent years; but it needs to take account of longer-term trends. The focus here is on how far the EU's political conditionality has contributed to democratic consolidation using an in-depth case study of post-Soviet Latvia. The record of the impacts of conditionality up to EU entry is examined and then attention turns to whether post-accession tendencies have demonstrated any significant changes after the end of Brussels' monitoring. Using a comparative framework, this article shows that the outcome after four years of EU membership is mixed with both positive and negative results. It is concluded that there is no automatic locking-in effect of European integration; and that conditionality assists democratic consolidation more in structural than in attitudinal or behavioural terms.     

The Current State of Japanese Research on the History of Chinese Women (1900-1949)

Abstract

Based on recently available new evidence, this study revisits the Gao Gang affair in the early 1950s, with an emphasis on Mao's role in manipulating elite politics as a way of strengthening his charismatic leadership. The CCP elite politics in the early 1950s were in essence "court politics" centered on and manipulated by Mao. Afraid of being sidelined by Beijing's "managerial elite" in economic reconstruction, Mao promoted Gao and other regional leaders, while stripping powers from Liu, Zhou, and their associates. By the end of 1953, Mao started to suspect Gao's loyalty and Gao's promotion backfired. Mao quickly abandoned Gao and isolated him, Gao's downfall was as quick and sudden as his rise. Mao's chief concern was none other than the enhancement and strengthening of the belief in his infallibility, which was the foundation of his charismatic authority.     

Terrorist (E)motives: The Existential Attractions of Terrorism

This article describes a number of possible existential motivations for engaging in terrorism. Three in particular are identified: (1) the desire for excitement, (2) the desire for ultimate meaning, and (3) the desire for glory. Terrorism, according to the argument set out here, is as much a site of individual self-drama and self-reinvention as a tactical instrument for pursuing the political goals of small groups. The conclusion explores the concept of “existential frustration,” and suggests that terrorist activity may provide an outlet for basic existential desires that cannot find expression through legitimate channels.     

The Chinese Political Opposition in Exile: A Chequered Development

Deploying the perspectives of diaspora politics and transnational social movements, this article analyses the impact of the key factors conditioning the overall environment in which the overseas Chinese democracy movement (OCDM) has operated since the 1989 Tiananmen event in Beijing (where weeks of mass protest rallies by students, intellectuals, workers, and citizens led to a violent crackdown by the People’s Liberation Army on the demonstrators on 4 June). China’s phenomenal rise as a global power, its transformed relations with the West and diaspora communities, and its toughening control over political dissent inside and outside the country have created an increasingly arduous and complex mobilising terrain for the dissidents in exile. Meanwhile, Taiwan’s democratisation, political nativisation, and China-focused economic exchanges have minimised Taipei’s role as the mainland exiles’ traditional backer. Finally, the shifting norms, demographics, and practices of the overseas Chinese diasporas have further compounded these challenges.     

The Role(s) of County Councillors: An Evaluation

This article considers the role(s) of county councillors in the context of the contemporary reform agenda. This study incorporates an analysis of the relevant academic literature, however the conclusions are based on interviews with county councillors in Devon. The responses are used to draw a distinction between community focused and more traditional members. In addition, conclusions are drawn about the extent to which their behaviour matched the government's notion of the model councillor under the reformed political management structures.     

The making of Amerexico: (mis)handling illegal immigration

The border and social policies that the United States shares with Mexico have had only a modest impact on the level of illegal immigration. Alternative methods could reduce the social backlash against Mexican immigrants in US states of destination. Federal Relief Aid to states affected by new arrivals would ameliorate hostility. Although economic stagnation may depress the flow of immigrants or job opportunities, legal or illegal, economic recovery is dependent on the hard work of immigrants. The political solution has been to tighten border controls. Other options are possible. There should be pressure placed on multilateral institutions such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund to incorporate immigration issues in economic policy decisions. Many market reforms have contributed to greater emigration. The US has the option to use both supply and demand side options. Enforcement of workplace rules on minimum wages and health and safety standards would make it more difficult to exploit immigrant workers and would decrease the incentive to hire illegal workers. In a deregulated market stricter work standards were considered difficult to attain. A 1993 opinion poll revealed that 65% thought immigration was not beneficial. Border apprehension rates have increased dramatically over the past 30 years. The most recent policies aim to encourage the mobility of capital and trade through the NAFTA free trade agreement while trying to discourage human resource mobility. The push factors in Mexico are identified as high levels of poverty and unemployment, overpopulation, and economic stagnation. NAFTA and prior economic development efforts have not addressed the push factors. Disruption of traditional ways and changes toward greater industrialization spur emigration. The US program to develop border export industry encouraged migration from the interior of Mexico to border areas. Recent Mexican policies have changed the incentives for small farmers to stay on their lands, and Mexican urban areas are overpopulated. Experience has taught that migration flows are easier to start than stop.     

Budgetary politics in the Russian federation:(1) the case: of sakha (yakutia)

This article traces the evolution of center-periphery relations between the Russian federal government and the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia) using an institutional framework. During each of three stages the author identifies a distinct set of institutional parameters that, to varying degrees, determined the powers of federal and regional institutions. Each stage is also identified with a unique central institutional conflict that helped shape the rules of the political games played during that period. From this perspective, institutional change is seen as a major determinant of Russian center-periphery relations. The article concludes that Sakha has had remarkable success in extracting budgetary concessions from the federal government. However, Sakha has been unable to force the federal government to implement all the promises it has made.

Nonetheless, the concessions that Sakha and others have received are significant, and prompt the conclusion that Russia has become a federal state. However, Russia is far from an equal federation.     

The Emperor's New Computers: Y2K (Re)Visited

In order to deal with the threat of Y2K (the Millennium Bug) the UK Government directed an uncreative, resource-heavy, centralized operation with standardized reporting requirements. The project impacted almost all government systems, from the critical to the mundane. The government's position was made worse by administrative changes that it had initiated in the 1980s and 1990s that had created a much larger network of delivery partners while at the same time hollowing out IT expertise within the civil service. With little regulation in place, the government was vulnerable to IT opportunists who recognized the financial gains that Y2K offered. An alarmist media also exacerbated the problem. The paper ends by offering some observations regarding the government's management of IT and how this might be improved to allow the government to pursue its Modernization Agenda.

Things did not go right by accident.
Cabinet Office Press Release on Y2K, in Beckett 2000a

     

Symbolic Gestures: The Development Terrain of Post-Tsunami Villages in (Southern) Sri Lanka

This article analyses how rituals and ceremonies were deployed in the post-tsunami rehabilitation process in Sri Lanka to ‘incorporate’ development projects into the habitus and social reality of local communities. It argues that even though the aid delivery process is represented as a gift, in reality it is more concerned with strengthening the social capital of the local and foreign donors. Through this process there is an expectation and an implicit demand for acquiescence from the beneficiaries, which leaves them with a social debt. This, in turn, compels them to participate in the game of development rituals and ceremonies, in order to express their (ambivalent) gratitude and thankfulness. Through two case studies, we explore how the good intentions of donors to provide aid and alleviate suffering and the acceptance of this aid by the local communities, results in an asymmetric relationship where both become accomplices of Bourdieuian notions of subtle and gentle violence.