论大学生网络道德自律的培养

网络在给大学生的生活、学习带来便利的同时，也产生了很多道德问题。由于网络社会中难以形成道德他律，网民的道德行为主要靠个人的道德自律来维系。道德自律精神是解决网络道德失范的最佳手段之一。笔者认为要从确立大学生网络道德主体地位，调整和充实高校德育内容，加强网络法制教育，规范大学生网络道德行为，利用网络技术手段引导大学生网络道德自律，进行“慎独”教育，等方面，来培养大学生网络道德自律精神。     

大学生道德状况与在线培育策略研究--基于三校调查与一项在线实验

大学生道德表现是社会道德的重要风向标,大学生道德教育成效备受关注。通过对三所高校大学生被试的调查发现大学生道德状况在年级、性别和学校上存在一定的差异;针对当代大学生特点,开展新媒体在线实验,发现大学生道德教育在线培育具有一定的可行性,但需要与现实课堂有机结合以保障道德教育的完整性与有效性。     

在校园与社会间发育和变异的大学生道德文化——试论改革开放时代下大学生的道德建设现状

改革开放的大时代引发了社会层面的多重变化，也深刻揭示了国民道德素质这一现实问题，并孕育着包括大学生在内的一切人们的道德建设前景。这时，审视大学生道德现状并不失时机地开展和提升大学生道德教育，就被赋予了异乎寻常的意义。而大学生的道德建设现状不容乐观。在校园与社会间发育和变异的大学生道德文化呈现出复杂性与多元性、变动性与异化性、虚浮性与躁动性、日趋世俗性与实用性等特点，这些特点在一定程度上反映出了当前的大学生道德素质水平和存在的问题。为此我们有必要深入探讨当代大学生道德文化变迁和发展的规律及趋向，剖解他们的道德困惑，从而努力搞好大学生道德引导和教育工作     

社会主义核心价值体系与当代大学生价值观的培育

当前，大学生的价值观中存在着诸多问题，我们应该积极主动地用社会主义核心价值体系引领大学生价值观的培育：始终坚持以马克思主义作为大学生价值观念培育的指导思想、以中国特色社会主义共同理想作为大学生价值观念培育的核心内容、以爱国主义为核心的民族精神作为当代大学生价值观念培育的主旋律、以社会主义荣辱观作为当代大学生价值观念培育的道德准则。     

大学生网络道德调查分析

随着互联网的不断发展，中国网民数量也跃居世界第一，而大学生又是网络社会的主流群体。本文用调查问卷方式，从研究这一群体的网络道德现状入手，分析了大学生网络范的原因并提出大学生网络道德建设的对策与途径，为解决这一问题及提高高校思想政治教育提供思路。     

网络环境大学生伦理道德分析与思考

网络环境下,大学生伦理道德出现了一些问题,即网络道德失范,主要表现为散布虚假信息、侵犯知识产权、追求刺激生活、侵犯他人隐私、实施网络欺诈。对于这些问题的原因进行了详细分析,并就网络时代如何培育大学生伦理道德、促进大学生健康成长提出了若干政策建议。     

当前大学生网络道德问题及对策分析——基于辽宁某高校的调查研究

网络伴随时代的发展越来越贴近大众的日常生活,在方便大众的同时对人们道德的考验也愈加明显。通过对大学生网络道德现状进行调查,我们发现,大学生的网络道德现状不容乐观,网络道德问题比较突出。因此,加强大学生的网络道德建设尤为必要。     

网络对大学生道德人格的消极影响及对策探析

网络技术的高速发展，迅速地改变着人类传统的认知渠道，对社会的政治、经济、文化、教育、生活方式等领域都产生越来越大的影响。但是网络并不是一个纯洁、健康的虚拟天地，它所传输的信息、一些网络主体的不良行为都会对青年大学生产生负面的影响。探索积极有效的指导大学生网络道德的长效机制是时代赋予我们的一项义不容辞的责任。     

如何加强当代大学生网络道德教育

随着高校信息化进程加快和校园内互联网接入条件改善,网络已经成为大学生活中不可缺少的一部分,但网络的开放性、虚拟性及网络道德的缺失也正在对当代大学生的世界观、价值观和人生观产生负面影响。当代大学生网络道德存在的问题有:价值观和道德信念的迷失,社会责任感缺失,人格异常和心理障碍等等。在互联网时代加强当代大学生的网络道德教育的基本策略是:加强网络监管;建立高素质的网络道德思想政治教育队伍;开展网络道德教育课程;提高大学生网络自律意识和辨别能力;开展大学生网络教育。     

大学生网络道德缺失的原因及其救治之道

随着互联网技术的发展,网络成为大学生生活不可缺少的一部分,网络在提供丰富的资源、开阔的视野、方便交流的同时,也造成大学生价值观、网络语言、网络诚信、网络交往等方面出现道德失范。大学生自身、网络技术、社会大环境、学校教育等方面是引发道德失范的主要原因。实现改善大学生网络道德问题可以通过利用网络技术、完善法律法规、更新教育理念、创新教学模式、营造良好校园文化等措施加强大学生网络道德教育。     

The Mobilizing Effect of Parties' Moral Rhetoric

How does parties' use of moral rhetoric affect voter behavior? Prior comparative party research has studied party positions without much attention to how parties explain and justify their positions. Drawing insights from political and moral psychology, I argue that moral rhetoric mobilizes copartisan voters by activating positive emotions about their partisan preference. I expect this to hold among copartisans who are exposed to party rhetoric. To test my argument, I measure moral rhetoric by text-analyzing party manifestos from six English-speaking democracies and measure mobilization using copartisan turnout in survey data. The results support my argument. Furthermore, I find evidence in support of the theoretical mechanism using survey experiments and panel survey data from Britain. The article shows that moral rhetoric is a party campaign frame that has important consequences for voter behavior.     

Individual Differences in Group Loyalty Predict Partisan Strength

The strength of an individual’s identification with their political party is a powerful predictor of their engagement with politics, voting behavior, and polarization. Partisanship is often characterized as primarily a social identity, rather than an expression of instrumental goals. Yet, it is unclear why some people develop strong partisan attachments while others do not. I argue that the moral foundation of Loyalty, which represents an individual difference in the tendency to hold strong group attachments, facilitates stronger partisan identification. Across two samples, including a national panel and a convenience sample, as well as multiple measures of the moral foundations, I demonstrate that the Loyalty foundation is a robust predictor of partisan strength. Moreover, I show that these effects cannot be explained by patriotism, ideological extremity, or directional effects on partisanship. Overall, the results provide further evidence for partisanship as a social identity, as well as insight into the sources of partisan strength.     

Reframing the brain drain

Theorists concerned about the distributive effects of skilled emigration (‘brain drain’) often argue that its harmful effects can be justly mitigated by restricting emigration from sending countries or by limiting immigration opportunities to receiving countries. I raise moral and practical concerns against restricting the movement of skilled migrants and contend that conceptualizing the moral issue in these terms leads theorists to neglect the moral salience of institutions that determine the distributive effects of migration. Using an analogy to skilled migration in a domestic context, I argue for locating brain drain in a more holistic, institutional context that includes the reform of global institutions and of policies affecting migration.     

Mill and the Value of Moral Distress

People are sometimes distressed by the bare knowledge that lifestyles are being practised or opinions held which they take to be immoral. Is this distress to be regarded as harm for the purposes of Mill's Harm Principle? I argue, first, that this is an issue that is to be resolved not by analysis of the concept of harm but by reference to the arguments in On Liberty with which the Harm Principle is supported. Secondly, I argue that reference to those arguments makes it clear beyond doubt that, since Mill valued moral confrontation and the shattering of moral complacency as means to social progress, he must have regarded moral distress as a positive good rather than as a harm that society ought to intervene to prevent. Thirdly, I relate this interpretation to Mill's points about temperance, decency and good manners. I argue, finally, that my interpretation is inconsistent with Mill's underlying utilitarianism only if the latter is understood in a crudely hedonistic way.     

The Theory of Universal Human Rights: A Comment on Talbott

In this analysis of William Talbott’s important book, I note with appreciation his defense of universal moral principles and of moral justification as a “social project,” his focus on the critique of oppression, and his emphasis on empathic understanding in the account of human rights. I go on to develop some criticisms regarding: 1) Talbott’s traditional understanding of human rights as holding against governments and not also applying to nonstate actors; 2) his account of the interrelations among well-being, autonomy, claims for first person authority in moral judgment, and human rights; 3) his strongly rationalist and liberal individualist interpretation of moral judgment and autonomy; and 4) the lack of a role for intercultural dialogue about human rights, which nonetheless are held to apply to all human beings across cultures. In each case, I briefly consider what an alternative approach would look like.     

Political Scepticism: A Reply to the Critics

In a previous article in this journal ( Bufacchi, 2001 ) I argued that political scepticism is a defining characteristic of liberal democracy. I have been criticised for inadequately distinguishing political scepticism from fallibilism (Festenstein, 2001) and for failing to appreciate the role of moral autonomy within liberal democracy (Hyland, this issue). In this article I respond to my critics, first by clarifying the difference between political scepticism and fallibilism, and secondly by suggesting that political scepticism is a necessary condition for moral autonomy.     

"吾能''慎独''否?"——论"慎独"的道德主体规定性

“慎独”是儒家传统的道德修养方法，也是道德修养所达到的一种极高的境界．具有很强的道德主体规定性。“慎独”并非人人皆能做到，只有具有独立的道德意识、积极的自律精神和完整的道德人格。并能始终践行审慎的道德行为的人才能不断超越和完善自我，成为一位“能‘慎独’者”。     

Contempt,Community, and the Interruption of Sense

In the early modern period, contempt emerged as a persistent theme in moral philosophy. Most of the moral philosophers of the period shared two basic commitments in their thinking about contempt. First, they argued that we understand the value of others in the morally appropriate way when we understand them from the perspective of the morally relevant community. And second, they argued that we are naturally inclined to judge others as contemptible, and that we must therefore interrupt that natural movement of sense-bestowal in order to value others in the morally appropriate way. In this paper I examine in detail the arguments of Nicolas Malebranche and Immanuel Kant concerning the wrongness of contempt, emphasising the ways in which they depend on conceptions of community and of the interruption of moral sense-bestowal. After showing how each of these arguments fails to comprehend the nature and the wrongness of contempt, I argue that we can find the resources for a more adequate account in the work of Jean-Luc Nancy, and specifically in his reflections on ontology and on the meaning of community.     

Managing creativity: the tensions between commodities and gifts in a digital networked environment

Abstract

In this paper, I critically examine the management of creativity in a digital networked economic and social environment, which broadly comprises high-speed Internet connections and a diverse ecology of devices and other infrastructure. The non-rivalrous and non-excludable characteristics of information, in this environment, pose distinct challenges for the industrial producers of creativity (such as film studios, publishing houses, record labels). The paper uses the case of media and entertainment to pursue two analytical goals. The first is to conceptualize the networked environment as a seedbed for myriad ‘Internet gift economies’, which are broadly defined by decentralized social production and sharing of resources within networks of computer users (or peers). The second is to consider the extent to which Internet gift economies can be regulated in a fashion that incorporates scope for some degree of commodification. I therefore seek to identify potential routes towards more balanced ‘peer-based’ models, which combine the power of Internet gift economies with the ongoing reproduction of industrialized creativity. There is a brief conclusion, where I comment upon the challenges facing the long-term expansion and legalization of Internet gift economies.     

Repression Technology: Internet Accessibility and State Violence

This article offers a first subnational analysis of the relationship between states' dynamic control of Internet access and their use of violent repression. I argue that where governments provide Internet access, surveillance of digital information exchange can provide intelligence that enables the use of more targeted forms of repression, in particular in areas not fully controlled by the regime. Increasing restrictions on Internet accessibility can impede opposition organization, but they limit access to information on precise targets, resulting in an increase in untargeted repression. I present new data on killings in the Syrian conflict that distinguish between targeted and untargeted events, using supervised text classification. I find that higher levels of Internet accessibility are associated with increases in targeted repression, whereas areas with limited access experience more indiscriminate campaigns of violence. The results offer important implications on how governments incorporate the selective access to communication technology into their strategies of coercion.