The three Mini Dragons: Economic development in Thailand,Malaysia, and Indonesia

The rapid pace of economic growth in Thailand, Malaysia, and Indonesia indicates that all three ASEAN countries are quickly becoming Newly Industrialized Economies (NIEs). Yet a close comparison of the three leads the author to conclude that there are dissimilarities in their economic development resulting from each country's unique social and economic conditions. Masato Hayashida was a senior economist in the Economic Research Division at The Mitsubishi Bank before being seconded to IIPS as a senior research fellow.     

The Television Industry in Post-authoritarian Indonesia

This article examines the rise of capital in the Indonesian television industry. Following Richard Robison's seminal book, Indonesia: The Rise of Capital, it suggests that a range of powerful economic and political interests have determined the dynamics of the evolution of this industry in Indonesia. During the heyday of the New Order, a commercial television industry was created in ways that suited the expansion of the business interests of oligarchic families. In the post-Soeharto era, a major interest of capital in this industry has been to overcome regulatory mechanisms that were put in place before the euphoria of reform and democratisation had abated. Moreover, there are strong connections between capital in the television industry and political groupings contesting power within Indonesia's democracy. While capital accumulation in this industry may not be as massive as in some others, the unique characteristics of television as a medium ensure that exerting control over it remains vital.     

The Korean experience in FDI and Sino-Korean relations

The possibility of regional cooperation in the Yellow Sea Rim (YSR) area has been discussed since the early 1980s. In recent years, Korean outbound foreign direct investment (FDI) has increased rapidly and it will be growing much further. In the new phase of the global economy and the post-cold war political environment, Korean firms consider the socialist countries, especially China, to be attractive new partners for trade and investment projects. Foreign investment contributed to economic growth in developing countries. In the early stage of industrialization in the 1970s, the share of foreign firms amounted to about one-tenth of the total manufacturing employment in Korea. Similarly, outbound Korean FDI could also play an important role in the industrialization of the LDCs in Southeast Asia and China. A case study of a Korean multinational corporation reveals that the direct employment effect of Korea’s FDI is extensive in terms of money invested. In spite of the complementarity in economic structure and the phase of development between Korea and China, the prospect of Korea’s outbound FDI is not all clear. However, one can safely assume that the unit scale of FDI projects will increase. Unlike in the past, the large Korean corporations are now preparing more than a few fair-sized projects in China. The positive impact of those FDI will be significant. The YSR cooperation, if successful, could create efficient economic cooperation based on complementarity between Korea and China. The Korean outbound FDI would pave a road to such regional cooperation. This article is the revised version of a paper prepared for the International Conference on Regional Development in the Yellow Sea Rimlands, held February 18–21, 1991. The conference was cosponsored by the Korea Research Institute for Human Settlements, the State Science and Technology Commission of China, and the East-West Center of Honolulu, Hawaii.     

中国与印尼的渔业合作

本文主要探讨中国与印尼在渔业领域的合作现状、存在问题以及合作前景.印尼作为世界最大的岛屿国家,拥有极为丰富的渔业资源,但本国渔业资源开发能力不足.中国与印尼之间正式的渔业合作始于2001年,两国签署了<渔业合作的谅解备忘录>和<双边安排>等协议,在渔业资源开发、渔业技术和知识产权、渔业关联产业、渔业基础设施和渔业工程、渔业环境监测和保护等方面开展了卓有成效的合作.当然,两国在渔业合作过程中也发生如"福远渔132"扣押事件,但中国与印尼双方本着真诚友好、以大局为重的态度,很好地解决了这一不愉快事件.中国印尼两国领导人均充分肯定了两国在渔业方面的良好合作,并强调要在互惠互利的基础上继续加强合作,特别是在水产养殖、合作捕捞、水产品加工和储藏、海洋渔业资源保护、禁止非法捕鱼等方面的合作,中国印尼两国渔业合作仍然具有很大的合作空间和前景.     

The Legacy of Colonial Labour Unions in Indonesia

This article discusses the legacy of the colonial labour movement in Indonesia under five broad headings; labour unions and the development of political consciousness; labour unions as socio-economic institutions; leaders, followers and the development of worker leadership; organisations and structural legacies; and class, ethnic and religious divisions. For over three decades after the first labour union was created in 1908, union leaders struggled to build organisations that cut across the ethnic, linguistic and social class divisions of Indonesian workplaces. They had limited success. Nevertheless, labour unions did have an important role in increasing workers' wages, representing their grievances to employers and forcing the colonial government to pressure employers to improve both wages and conditions. They were central to the development of political consciousness, creating opportunities for Indonesians to acquire organisational skills and providing a channel for many to join nationalist political parties. In 1941, on the eve of the Japanese occupation, labour unions were among the strongest Indonesian organisations in the colonial towns and cities. In the aftermath of independence in August 1945 labour unions were quickly re-formed and, freed from many of the restrictions of the colonial states, recruited large numbers of urban workers. The successes and failures of the colonial labour movement were part of the collective memory of many leaders and members, influencing the direction of post-independence activities.     

印尼华人的同化及其前景

印度尼西亚华人同化于主体社会的历史告诉我们 :民族通婚、一个民族的经济和文化素质、国际环境以及国家的民族政策是影响民族同化进程的四个主要因素。比较而言 ,国家民族政策是具有决定意义的因素。只要印度尼西亚政府能够制定明智而现实的国家政策 ,实现真正的民族平等 ,印度尼西亚各民族所期盼的民族统一、和睦相处的崇高目标就一定会达到。     

Indonesia: The politics of inclusion

Much commentary on Indonesian politics since the fall of President Suharto in May 1998 has suggested that Indonesia's political system has remained just as exclusionary as it was prior to his fall, despite becoming much more democratic and decentralised. In contrast to this view, we argue that Indonesia's political system has become more inclusive, if only somewhat more so. The fall of Suharto and the subsequent process of democratisation have removed key obstacles to organisation by poor and disadvantaged groups and their NGO allies, making it easier for them to engage in collective action aimed at achieving pro-poor policy change. By making attainment of political office dependent on the support of the voting public, many of whom are poor and disadvantaged, these developments have also created an incentive for politicians to pursue policy changes that favour these groups or at least that appeal to them. At the same time, however, we argue that poor and disadvantaged groups have not become major players in the policy-making process. Despite the fall of Suharto and democratisation, these groups continue to lack the resources possessed by other participants in the policy-making process. Whereas the politico-bureaucrats and well-connected business groups have been able to exercise influence over policy by buying support within representative bodies such as parliament and mobile capital controllers, the IFIs and Western governments have been able to exercise influence by virtue of their structural power, poor and disadvantaged groups have had to rely on less potent ways of exercising influence such as holding demonstrations, engaging in lobbying activity and participating in public debates. We illustrate these points with reference to two policy issues: land reform and mining in protected forests. The article concludes by considering the future prospects for inclusive policy-making in Indonesia.     

The security culture of the ECOWAS: origins,development and the challenge of child trafficking

This article explores the relationship between the security culture of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and how it has responded to transnational challenges in West Africa. To do so, it provides an overview of how the ideas, norms and principles that constitute the embryonic security culture of ECOWAS have evolved historically. Against this backdrop the article focuses on how the regional organisation has dealt with a specific contemporary security challenge: child trafficking. The concluding part of the article seeks to explain ECOWAS's collective action on child trafficking with reference to the region's different threat perceptions and security priorities. This article argues that although the decisions and policies of ECOWAS on child trafficking are influenced by certain shared ideas, norms and principles, a breakdown of collective political will and continuing differences on the key security referents and appropriate approaches to the security of individuals have led ECOWAS member states to fail in effectively addressing this particular transnational security challenge.     

路在何方?——印尼华人社会的现状与未来

】１９９８ 年５ 月印尼发生社会大骚乱,华人成为袭击对象,生命和财产遭受严重损失,印尼局势的发展和华人出路成为人们关注的焦点。正确看待印尼华人的几个热点问题,即关于华人控制印尼经济的争论,华人同化和印尼排华问题,有助于印尼社会的稳定和华人的生存与发展     

印度尼西亚油气产业的发展与改革

长期以来,印尼一直是东南亚首屈一指的产油大国,也是全球最大液化天然气生产国之一,在全球能源市场占有重要地位.由于对老油田进行无限度开采,对勘探新油田的工作不太重视,加上近年印尼与西方跨国公司之间在油气方面的合作充满坎坷,导致印尼石油产量不断下降,石油供给增长乏力.印尼政府正在积极重组石油产业,配合发展天然气产业链,对油气产业管理体制与产业政策进行调整与改革,努力保持油气大国的地位.     

越南的FDI结构:发展与趋势

在中国企业实行"走出去"战略和中国—东盟自由贸易区建成的大环境下,投资环境相对较好的南疆邻国越南成为许多企业的首选。本文对越南的投资环境、政策法规、外商直接投资结构的基本情况做了初步分析,希望对中国企业了解越南外商直接投资的基本情况有一定帮助。     

印度尼西亚2012年回顾与未来展望:进展与局限

2012年印尼经济继续保持了快速增长,其经济总量已跻身世界第16位,但从经济国际竞争力指数、经济自由指数和繁荣指数来看,印尼的经济依然面临着贫富差距大、失业率高、市场经济体制不完善、竞争力弱等问题。2012年,印尼的政治和安全形势相对平静,但腐败问题、民族和教派冲突仍威胁着印尼的安全和稳定。随着2014年大选的临近,2013年印尼的经济与政治将以赢得大选为主题,为获取选民支持而采取一些短期行为应是关注的重点。2013年印尼外交将围绕着担任亚太经合组织轮值主席国和确保东盟的团结而展开。整体而言,近年来印尼的高速发展并没有消除制约印尼发展的因素,印尼的发展仍待突破。     

Land reform and Bimas in Indonesia

Underlying the current process of industrial restructuring in Korea is the weakening of the social and political comerstones of Korea's “miracle” economy: low wages maintained through labor market segmentation and suppression of labor movements, state leverage over the chaebol and labor, the containment of the middle class through a state-of-war mentality, and the decentralization of industry away from the capital city through the creation of countermagnets and growth poles. Korea's success in generating its own version of a post-fordist regime of accumulation will depend as much on changes in social and political institutions as it will on pursuing an industrial path of flexible specialization.     

Army and islamic opposition in Indonesia

The article examines the effects of agricultural development, agrarian structure and some related variables on rural poverty in India. The results while asserting the existence of trickle-down process, indicate its limited and declining power. Moreover, the process of marginalisation and proletarianisation of the peasantry and inequality in the distribution of land have poverty-aggravating effects. The study underlines the needs for increasing productive employment with real wages sufficient to maintain basic needs for sustainable reduction in rural poverty. It also suggests that an increase in the average size of the marginal and small holdings through appropriate land reforms would be poverty alleviating.     

印尼棉兰地区汉语教学现状调查与对策研究

随着中国综合国力的提升以及中印之间合作的加强,汉语教学在印尼得到了较快的发展。本文对印尼棉兰地区汉语教学的现状展开调查,分别阐述了印尼棉兰地区现有的教学形式、师资力量及其具体的课程设置、教材使用,并对出现的问题进行了分析,指出了汉语教学发展的方向。     

印尼政局发展与全国大选展望

梅加瓦蒂上台执政两年半,政权进一步巩固.2003年是印尼政局进一步稳定,经济复苏开始见效,社会治安逐步好转的一年.2004年是大选年,现在准备工作顺利进行,人们对大选寄予较大的期望.近年印尼政局发展如何,议会选举和总统直选谁将胜出?本文试图就这些问题,与读者共同探讨.