共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 15 毫秒
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《后苏联事务》2013,29(4):310-346
How have fluctuating approaches to federalism in post-Soviet Russia affected its legal system? This article examines the core legal subjects, processes, and institutions composing the Russian legal system. The source of legal changes, as Russian federalism has shifted from decentralized beginnings under Yel'tsin to the current centralized system under Medvedev and Putin, is evaluated. Seeds for centralization in the original 1993 Constitution and the roles of "top down," "bottom up," and "outside in" pressures to centralize the federal system are examined. The degree of unification and centralization of Russian law and the de facto nature of the legal system are analyzed. 相似文献
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朝鲜半岛的统一与中国 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
19世纪下半叶始,随着中国的衰落和东亚朝贡国家体系的瓦解,朝鲜半岛成为列强争夺的目标,国际政治的矛盾和斗争引发了半岛内部的政治分化.在内外因素相互作用下,朝鲜半岛终致分裂.冷战结束后,朝鲜半岛的地缘政治战略意义有所降低,出现半岛问题半岛化趋势;而中国的和平崛起将为朝鲜半岛重新统一提供良好的外部环境. 相似文献
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Jon Halliday 《亚洲研究》2013,45(4):98-107
AbstractThe first full-scale war fought under the leadership of the United States after 1945 was that against the Korean people. The Korean War of 1950-53 remains, without the slightest doubt, the most important un-excavated event in modern imperialist and revolutionary history. 相似文献
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随着文化交流的深入,日汉互译中的不可译性将会更多地、在更大程度上朝可译性方向发展.任何文本都是能够传译的,我们在翻译实践中通常采用"意译"或"注释"的手法,即解释的功能实现不可译性向可译性的转换. 相似文献
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C.S. Garrett 《German politics》2013,22(3):83-102
The purchase of Germany's Mannesmann AG by Britain's telecommunications holding company Vodafone in spring 2000 represented the first major cross-border hostile takeover in German corporate history. As spectacle, the story surrounding the fall of one of Germany's grandest industrial giants lays bare the underlying themes shaping the country's national discourse over how to build a new national consensus on the function of economic activity for the state, for society, and for the German citizen. As such, the Mannesmann-Vodafone saga contains a clear caesura between the Old and the New Economy in Germany. Of course the question remains which values and institutions do the Germans want to carry over from the old world into the new. And there the line between past and present becomes distinctly less discernible. 相似文献
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Tom Clements 《亚洲研究》2013,45(1-2):139-142
AbstractThe problem of plutonium proliferation in Northeast Asia has received a great deal of international attention in the past few years, in the first instance over Japan's plutonium program, and most recently about the suspected production of plutonium in the Democratic Peoples Republic of Korea (DPRK). Both countries' nuclear programs have touched off regional and global fears of a de facto nuclear arms race. 相似文献
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Bruce Cumings 《亚洲研究》2013,45(1-2):130-131
AbstractAs I write this we have come off one week when it looked as if we might have another war in Korea, and the next week when peace broke out between Washington and Pyongyang as a result of Jimmy Carter's meetings with Kim Il Sung. This pattern of crisis followed by relaxation has lasted at least since the spring of 1993, when North Korea threatened to withdraw from the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. During the entire period most Americans and especially our print and television media have demonstrated that they have no understanding of the terrible destructiveness of the Korean War—and therefore they easily conjure up a new one. Indeed, talk of a new war in Korea is casual and almost routine in the United States. 相似文献
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Park Byeong-chul 《亚洲研究》2013,45(1-2):66-82
AbstractA striking aspect of the South Korean political protest movement of the 1970s, 1980s, and early 1990s was the frequent self-immolation of young Korean activists. This trend toward political suicide—politically motivated voluntary death—began with the laborer Chun Tae-il's suicide in 1970 and increased dramatically in the late 1980s and early 1990s. It is estimated that in the 1980s alone nearly one hundred young Koreans put an end to their lives as a form of antigovernment protest! This article explores why so many young people in Korea have chosen to take their own lives in this way. 相似文献
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Esook Yoon 《Asia-Pacific Review》2006,13(2):74-96
Korea's environmental foreign policy has developed in a dual-track fashion. In global environmental negotiations, Korea emphasizes environmental preservation but implementation patterns clearly prioritize its own economic interests. When it comes to regional environmental cooperation in Northeast Asia, however, Korea has often acted in the interest of the environment as the country has taken a leading role in promoting and developing environmental cooperation. It is an interesting question how Korea, a middle power in the region that acts on its own economic interests in global environmental negotiations, has taken a leading role in regional environmental cooperation. Analysis suggests that Korea's leading role in regional environmental cooperation results from its regional geopolitical situation, as well as its diplomatic efforts. Besides, Korea's vital environmental, political, and economic interests related to regional cooperation further motivate the country to take an active stance as well. 相似文献