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1.
This article outlines the labour impacts and social consequences of the 1997–98 Asian financial crisis and 2008–09 global financial crisis on Southeast Asia. Both had adverse consequences on output, employment, income and poverty in the region, although the impact of the global financial crisis was much less severe compared to the Asian financial crisis. Economies recovered quickly from both crises. However, labour markets continue to be characterised by informal, vulnerable and precarious employment. The crises and the ensuing efforts of employers to resort to increased flexibility in labour hiring in both crisis and recovery periods fanned labour protests despite the diminutive size of the trade union movement and the underdeveloped system of industrial relations in most countries. In turn, these protests have triggered national and regional debates on rules for labour contracting, minimum wage adjustments and social protection. These debates have remained unresolved even as the region is gearing up for fuller economic integration in 2015 labelled as the ASEAN Economic Community.  相似文献   

2.
This article starts from Peter Gowan's notion of a Dollar-Wall Street Regime (DWSR) characterized by financial deregulation, the dollar as the world's currency, large international capital flows, and frequent financial crises. The author argues that the DWSR has relied on a special economic relationship between the United States and East Asia, characterized by large East Asian trade and current account surpluses with the United States and the investment of East Asian dollar holdings in U.S. capital markets. For some time both parties benefited from this relationship, but eventually it gave rise to financial crises in East Asia. Thus, Japan's financial crisis around 1990 and the 1997/98 East Asian financial crisis are both related to economic over-accumulation caused by the buildup of currency reserves through trade with the United States. Attempts at East Asian monetary integration since 1997 are viewed as a potential challenge to the DWSR. These attempts have however been blocked or rendered harmless by regional divisions as well as by U.S. resistance. While an East Asian political challenge to theDWSRis unlikely for the time being, the special U.S.-East Asian economic relationship may become substantially weakened by the growing problems of the U.S. economy.  相似文献   

3.
The chaebol’s organisational culture was the target of much criticism when the Asian financial crisis hit the Korean economy in 1997. Despite much research on the topic over the past two decades, there continues to be a lack of consensus on the efficacy of reforms implemented since then. While some have focused on persisting patterns of paternalism, others have highlighted the structural changes implemented. This article revisits this debate by analysing the ways in which culture influences the implementation of structural reforms as a legitimating ideology. By analysing ethnographic data of a chaebol subsidiary in Beijing, the article demonstrates how cultural tropes of the company as a family and women as caretakers, popularised under the Park Chung Hee regime, have continued to shape perceptions of competence in the workplace. In particular, despite the crucial role that Korean Chinese employees have played in helping the chaebol penetrate Chinese markets, their bilingual and bicultural skills are devalued. Instead, the feminisation of their labour has justified their continuing marginalisation in the firm.  相似文献   

4.
A relatively small group of Japanese war veterans has played a major part in creating a favourable image of Burma in Japan. In the early 1950s both Japan and Burma needed a swift agreement on reparations, the Japanese because the export markets and natural resources of South East Asia offered a real opportunity to rebuild the Japanese economy, Burma because economic policy was already faltering and financial aid was needed. The Reparations Agreement between Japan and Burma became the model for ODA agreements with other South East Asian nations and the Japanese committed large sums to Burma, yet the Japanese mercantilist approach was never compatible with the Burmese road to Socialism. Since the imprisonment of Aung San Suu Kyi, some in Japan have promoted a policy of solidarity towards Burma, while others, including the new Prime Minister, Hatoyama have advocated an approach based on concern for human rights.  相似文献   

5.
Esther Zwart 《East Asia》2007,24(2):195-211
Though acknowledging that ethnic Chinese cooperate in networks in which they feel ‘comfortable’, scholars dispute what it is that makes ethnic Chinese cooperate transnationally, and they disagree as to what extent these networks can be regarded as independent of nation-state regimes. Phrased differently, there is no agreement on the contents of this ‘comfort zone’ and on how it is created. Scholarly debate focuses on ethnic Chinese businesses and on the nature of transnationalism, but fails to address the process of transnationalising businesses. By considering the different perspectives on transnationalism, identity and business development among ethnic Chinese, this paper analyses the process of transnationalisation of Malaysian Chinese small and medium enterprises.  相似文献   

6.
This study examines the impacts of longer-term structural changes on the labour markets of Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) member economies, as well as the short-run labour market consequences of the Asian financial crisis. All APEC economies have experienced significant structural change in the process of development. A major factor in this structural change has been increased trade intensity (increase in exports and imports as a share of GDP) that has occurred over the last 20 years. Because these structural changes have been extensively induced by trade liberalisation, this study provides insights into the likely consequences of the implementation of APEC's agenda on trade and investment liberalisation and facilitation. The impact of structural change is examined using a range of data, such as disaggregated changes in output and employment by industry and occupation over the period 1980 to 1997, and data on changes in trade intensity for each of the APEC nations. Other data, such as changes in rates of urbanization, are also used to indicate the other important concomitant effects of economic transformation. For several Asian economies, the linear path of growth and structural change was severely disrupted by the Asian financial crisis. This article examines the impact of this crisis on Asian labour markets, in general, and those most affected by the crisis, in particular. In many countries within the region, a failure of education and training systems to respond to often rapid shifts in the skill composition of labour demand is leading to industry and occupation specific labour shortages. International labour migration within the APEC region is viewed as a product of these structural changes and a mechanism that assists in filling gaps in the labour markets of the region's economies.  相似文献   

7.
This study assesses the argument that common ethnic identity has facilitated the creation of transnational business networks leading to the rise of a new economically powerful “global tribe” comprising ethnic Chinese from East and Southeast Asia. The primary contention in this article is that a network with the economic clout of a “global tribe” would entail interlocking stock-ownership ties, a sharing of resources and cooperation to the point of merger. Through an in-depth analysis of investments in China by ethnic Chinese from Malaysia, this article proves that even major Chinese-owned companies have little or no interlocking stock ownership and directorate links, either domestically or across borders, with other Chinese-owned companies. The growing inflow of investments into China by ethnic Chinese from Southeast Asia is primarily due to endeavours by government leaders in the region and China to encourage businesses to invest in the Mainland.  相似文献   

8.
In the early 1990s, ASEAN emerged from the Cold War as a confident regional organization. With the accession of Cambodia, it seemed to be fulfilling the aspirations of its founding fathers to expand membership to include all ten Southeast Asian countries. Since the Asian financial crisis of 1997, however, ASEAN's self-confidence has been dealt a severe blow and it faces unprecedented challenges to its current status and future prospects. In the following article, former Indonesian Foreign Minister Ali Alatas, examines the various issues facing ASEAN today, including the impact of the Asian crisis; the ramifications of socioeconomic and political crises in the affected ASEAN countries; the implications of the rapid and fundamental changes in the international and regional economic, political and security environment; and the enlargement of ASEAN membership. Despite questions over ASEAN's future role, Alatas asserts his belief in the continuing relevance of this regional forum to contribute to regional stability.  相似文献   

9.
美国次贷危机及其对东南亚经济的影响   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
2007年初的美国次级住房抵押贷款出现还款困难,进而引发以其为基础资产的证券化产品--次贷危机,并波及世界金融市场.本文着重对次级债的界定、次贷危机的特点和传导机制进行分析,从贸易、投资及资本市场的视角,详细地阐述了次贷危机对东盟国家的影响,并讨论东盟国家相应的对策.  相似文献   

10.
印尼的五月骚乱突出了东南亚华人问题。反华排华一直是东南亚的普遍现象。导致东南亚地区华人问题的主要原因是民族经济、政治发展的不平衡、语言的复杂性、以及受冷战格局和所在国与中国关系的影响。为了根本解决东南亚的华人问题 ,华人本身、所在国、中国及国际社会等不同的社会主体应采取不同的措施。  相似文献   

11.
亚洲金融危机以来泰国的金融部门改革   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
亚洲金融危机后,泰国政府和中央银行在1997年至2001年间对金融部门进行了大规模重组,通过维持市场信心、关停大批金融机构、推动企业债务重组、提高监管标准等措施,使金融部门重新走上正轨.2002年以后,泰国政府和中央银行继续强化以风险管理为中心的监管,通过实施金融系统整体规划、新金融机构法、国际会计准则、新巴塞尔资本协议、存款保险制度和信用局制度等,强化金融部门抗风险能力.泰国金融部门改革取得一定成效,也存在一些不足,其政策措施对应对目前全球性金融危机,具有一定的借鉴意义.  相似文献   

12.
Following the 1997 Asian financial crisis, the regulatory system involving governance of the corporate sector was subjected to major legislative and institutional reforms, primarily in response to exposures of serious cases of corruption and abuse in the financial sector by well-connected businesspeople. However, the 2008 global financial crisis indicated continued occurrence of irresponsible forms of corporate development and practices, underscoring structural weaknesses within the regulatory system in spite of these reforms. This article argues that the reforms that had been introduced ignored how state-business nexuses shape the way firms operate, a core reason for the persistence of unproductive and speculative forms of corporate development, grand corruption and cronyism. Utilising Malaysia as a case study, this article indicates that institutional reforms involving devolution of power to regulatory institutions are imperative to provide them with the autonomy to objectively institute prudential controls and indict errant firms that violate legislation overseeing corporate activities.  相似文献   

13.
20世纪以前的南洋华侨在中外饮食文化交流中的作用   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
本文主要探讨了20世纪前南洋华侨在中国与东南亚地区之间的食料、食品以及饮食习俗等文化交流中的作用。一方面,华侨通过在南洋地区的生产活动,把中国的传统饮食传播到南洋地区;另一方面,华侨把大量南洋饮食物品传人中国。在中国与南洋地区的饮食文化交流中,南洋华侨发挥了巨大的作用,成为饮食文化交流的重要桥梁。  相似文献   

14.
The Asian financial crisis of 1997 and ensuing collapse of the 32-year dictatorship of Soeharto led Indonesia into chaos. Professor Takashi Shiraishi of the Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Kyoto University, outlines the events within Indonesia since the October 1999 presidential elections and examines some of the major issues that confront the government under President Abdurrahman Wahid. Given the enormity of political challenges, economic crisis, ethnic and religious conflicts and separatist movements, Professor Shiraishi argues that the prospects for recovery and development in Indonesia in the near future are not good.  相似文献   

15.
Lichao He 《East Asia》2010,27(3):267-287
In 1947, Japan became the first East Asian country to introduce democracy, and it was not until four decades later that South Korea completed the democratic transition. Today, surprisingly, South Korea stands out among the East Asian countries as the one that has the most vibrant and politically powerful civil society, whereas in Japan, the role of the nongovernmental organization (NGO) sector in political advocacy is greatly limited. Using historical institutionalism, this paper tries to explain why the NGOs in South Korea and Japan play vastly different roles in political advocacy. It concludes that the different social movement traditions have played important roles in the evolution of the civil societies in Japan and South Korea, and led to the different levels of institutionalization within the NGO sector.  相似文献   

16.
In the face of the global economic crisis of 2008–09, Japan has played a positive role in helping to stabilize the regional and global financial systems. Among the positive actions it has taken have been large-scale fiscal and monetary stimulus at home, an unprecedentedly large loan to the International Monetary Fund, liquidity support to South Korea, and a proactive role in G-20 discussions. However, regional arrangements such as the Chiang Mai Initiative have been of minimal importance in preventing financial crises in East Asia. Japan can continue to demonstrate leadership in promoting regional economies and financial systems by expanding its current activities, while ensuring that regional arrangements continue to support global ones.  相似文献   

17.
This study examines the influence of omo onile (literally meaning “the child of the landowner”) on real estate development in Lagos, Nigeria. the land sale-associated violence is one significant challenge to estate development in Lagos. Quantitative and qualitative data were collected, which were analysed at three levels, and content analysed respectively. Logistic regression results indicated that respondents who admitted that omo onile had a negative impact on real estate were five times more likely to disengage in real estate investment, relative to those who noted no significant effects. The study concludes that unfair access to land adversely impacts on real estate development. therefore, the government should dismantle legislative impediments, control omo onile and strengthen community frameworks for access to land in Lagos.  相似文献   

18.
This paper analyses the Mexican banks' loan policies since 1995. Based on a series of interviews, we find that Mexico's financial system is currently experiencing two crises. First, banks lack confidence in the business practices of small and medium size enterprises. This negative attitude is reinforced by the bankers' perception of a culture of non-repayment. Banks also loan little to big businesses, which rely on the international money market. Second, bankers believe small and medium size business owners lack confidence in the Mexican financial system. Consequently, loan activities are down significantly. Socio-economic growth and development in Mexico will depend upon a profound change in structures, practices and attitudes surrounding loan activities.  相似文献   

19.
This paper examines how Kyrgyzstan's two post-communist political regimes used offshore accounts to launder money and broker lucrative deals with international business partners. It argues that easy access to global financial institutions and availability of offshore markets strengthens a corrupt regime's grip on both political and economic matters and gives regime members a feeling of invincibility both domestically and globally. Offshore connections contributed to the emergence of a vast shadow economy inside Kyrgyzstan that includes clandestine hydropower exports, manipulations in the financial sector, and organized crime. The paper particularly focuses on the non-state actors who served as brokers to mediate connections between regime incumbents and international markets.  相似文献   

20.
华人社团向政府提交国家文化备忘录,发表文化方面的宣言等,积极谋求华人文化发展的有利政治空间。为更好地保护和发扬华人文化,华人成立各种文化社团组织,并举办华人文化节等活动。华人社团的活动和举措具有主导性甚至领导性,它们对于独立后马来西亚华人文化的保护、传承和发扬发挥了举足轻重的作用。  相似文献   

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