"医闹"事件的产生原因及解决对策

目前我国的医疗纠纷呈逐年上升趋势，并表现出新的特点，演变成医闹。引起医闹的原因很多，总的来说是医院、患者、社会三方面的原因造成的，本文在深入剖析原因的基础上提出一些对策。     

医闹事件的法社会学分析

在频频发生的医闹事件引起巨大社会轰动后,不仅没有得到遏制,反而有愈演愈烈的趋势。本文以温岭医闹事件为样本,剖析医闹事件频频发生的严重危害,探索一系列医闹事件背后的原因。最后,从法社会学的视角出发,思考医闹这一社会问题的解决路径,寻找相应的法律对策。     

"职业医闹""闹医"内幕

在金钱的诱惑下,他曾是在河南郑州两家医院门前聚众闹事的一员,并成为一名“职业医闹”,但随后的一系列所见所闻使他开始怀疑继而憎恶自己的所作所为。今年5月1日,这名“职业医闹”约见笔者,自曝“闹医”内幕。自曝“这种活儿我是一天也干不下去了,你快点把我这话刊登出去,让‘职业医闹’们都洗手不干吧!”5月1日劳动节的上午,一名35岁左右的男子找到笔者说“,我要彻底告别以前不光彩的‘劳动’,用正大光明的劳动养家糊口。”他叫张光(化名),郑州郊区人。张光告诉笔者,他原是一名“职业医闹”——受雇于有医疗纠纷的患者家属,用在医院设灵堂…     

法律视野下的医闹问题

医疗事业关系到千千万万生命的利益,医患关系的好坏直接影响到家庭的幸福、社会的稳定。看病难、看病贵是一直是困扰社会和众多患者的"梦魇"。人们逐渐把这个问题归咎于医院,从而导致医患关系紧张,并进而引发医闹问题。近几年来,医闹问题愈演愈烈,从单纯的抗议升级为暴力事件,引发了许多社会和法律问题。因此,认真分析医闹问题产生的原因,探讨医闹问题解决的途径,对于确保医疗事业的健康发展,保障正常的医疗秩序,保护患者的合法权益具有重要的现实意义。     

“医闹”事件中公安机关执法存在的问题及对策

我国公安机关对于"医闹"执法具有法定职责。当下,公安机关在"医闹"事件执法中出现了对医务人员"人权"保障不力、执法方式不当和执法不严等问题。本文对相关问题进行了原因分析,提出依法保障医务人员"人权"、改进执法方式和严格执法的具体措施建议。     

政工视角下“医闹”现象的处理对策

"医闹"是一种不正当的甚至非法的维权方式,其成因比较复杂,职业"医闹"在"医闹"行为中扮演了重要的角色。"医闹"行为对医疗机构的正常诊疗活动造成了妨碍,具有极大的社会危害性。医疗机构应对"医闹"行为应坚持及时性原则、区别对待原则和顺势疏导原则。在具体对策上,医疗机构需要做好信息预警工作,保护医务人员的人身安全,并与公安机关实现联动打击"医闹"行为。医疗机构还应注重内部思想政治工作,加强全体医务人员对"医闹"行为的认识,促使医务人员忠于职业、精于业务,并培养一支训练有素的危机管理政工队伍用于应对"医闹"行为的挑战。     

域外视野：中国医闹之医疗纠纷解决机制探讨-兼与哥伦比亚大学李本教授商榷

医闹成了中国近二十年来重要的社会问题。李本教授在大量实证研究的基础上,从中国制度演变的角度对医闹进行了深入研究,认为患者对正式制度的信任缺失是医闹的重要根源,法律是在抗议与暴力的影响下发挥作用。法院审理医疗纠纷的过程中,判决许多没有过错的案件让医院承担责任折射出强烈的公正问题。中国政府在“医闹”中的过度回应及回应不足反映了改革后我国政府的作用及法律作用的不确定性。这些研究成果对我国当前医闹的治理及未来的制度改革都具有非常重要的参考价值。但笔者也认为,医疗纠纷审理中出现的一些不公正结果,不仅仅是中国问题,也是美国问题,过分强调中国体制或改革的原因无助于对中美两国共同问题的合理解释,究其原因,这在一定程度上与医疗证据认定的专业性及医疗专家对医疗过错认定的不确定性密切相关。     

“医闹”及其生成机理探究

层出不穷的"医疗纠纷"及"医闹"事件不断敲打着社会神经,破坏了政府形象,具有极大地社会危害性。因此,"医闹"治理迫在眉睫,而弄清"医闹"的生成机理则是治理之基。本文就"医闹"的生成机理进行深层剖析,为政府治理"医闹"提供理论依据。     

“医闹”频发的体制原因及刑事政策把握

本文基于实践中＂医闹＂的常见表现,分析＂医闹＂可能的法益侵害性,并从广义的刑事政策角度分析＂医闹＂的制度性根源,最后提出＂宽严相济、严中有宽＂的刑事政策建议。     

政府"和稀泥"是法治的悲哀

福建省南平市不久前发生了"医闹风波",医患双方在政府的主导下达成了这样一份协议:医方同意补助患方21万元;由于双方发生肢体冲突均有人员受伤,"双方同意责任自行承担不予追究刑事责任".事件虽然由此渐趋平息,但是对这起事件的反思还在继续.     

Bhartṛhari and Maṇḍana on Avidyā

The concept of avidyā is one of the central categories in the Advaita of Śaṇkara and Maṇḍana. Shifting the focus from māyā, interpreted either as illusion or as the divine power, this concept brings ignorance to the forefront in describing duality and bondage. Although all Advaitins accept avidyā as a category, its scope and nature is interpreted in multiple ways. Key elements in Maṇḍana’s philosophy include the plurality of avidyā, individual selves as its substrate and the Brahman as its field (viṣaya), and the distinction in avidyā between non-apprehension and misapprehension. A closer investigation shows that Maṇḍana is directly influenced by Bhartṛhari’s linguistic non-dualism in developing the concept of avidyā. This study also compares other key constituents such as vivartta and pariṇāma that are relevant to the analysis of avidyā. As the concept of counter-image (pratibimba) emerges as a distinct stream of Advaita subsequent to Maṇḍana, this study also compares the application of pratibimba in the writings of Bhartṛhari and Maṇḍana.     

Immigration,intermarriage and the changing face of Europe in the post war period

In this article we compare the propensity to intermarry of various migrant groups and their children who settled in Germany, France, England, Belgium and the Netherlands in the post-war period, using a wide range of available statistical data. We try to explain different intermarriage patterns within the framework of Alba and Nee's assimilation theory and pay special attention to the role of religion, colour and colonial background. We therefore compare colonial with non colonial migrants and within these categories between groups with ‘European’ (Christian) and non-European (Islam, Hinduism) religions. First of all, religion appears to be an important variable. Migrants whose faith has no tradition in Western Europe intermarry at a much lower rate than those whose religious backgrounds correspond with those that are common in the country of settlement. The rate of ethnic endogamous marriages in Western Europe are highest in Hindu and Muslim communities, often regardless if they came as guest workers or colonial migrants. Whereas differences in religion diminish the propensity to intermarry, colour or ‘racial’ differences on the other hand seem to be less important. This is largely explained by the pre-migration socialisation. Furthermore, the paper argues that the attention to institutions, as rightly advocated by Richard Alba and Victor Nee, needs a more refined and layered elaboration. Institutions, often as barriers to intermarriage, do not only emanate from the receiving society, but also—be it less formalized—within migrant communities. Especially religions and family systems, but also organized nationalist feelings, can have a profound influence on how migrants think about endogamy. Finally, strong pressures to assimilate, often through institutionalized forms of discrimination and stigmatization, not only produce isolation and frustrate assimilation (with resulting low intermarriage rates), but can also stimulate assimilation by 'passing' mechanisms. These factors, together with a more comparative perspective, are not completely ignored in the new assimilation theory, but—as this study of Western European intermarriage patterns stresses—deserve to be included more systematically in historical and social scientist analyses.     

Unraveling the <Emphasis Type="Italic">Kāvyaprakāśa</Emphasis>: Jayadeva Pīyūṣavarṣa’s idiosyncratic sequence of topics in the <Emphasis Type="Italic">Candrāloka</Emphasis>

In his twelfth century alaṃkāraśāstra, the Candrāloka, Jayadeva Pīyūṣavarṣa reverses the sequence of topics found in Mammaṭa’s Kāvyapr-akāśa, an earlier and immensely popular work. With such a structural revisionism, Jayadeva asserts the autonomy of his own work and puts forth an ambitious critique of earlier approaches to literary analysis. Jayadeva investigates the technical and aesthetic components of poetry in the first part of the Candrāloka, prior to his formal semantic investigations in the latter half of the text, thus suggesting that aesthetic evaluations of poetry beneficially inform scientific investigations of language. Jayadeva’s organization of his chapters on the semantic operations, moreover, intimates that the study of suggestive and metaphoric functions of language clarifies our understanding of denotation, which is conventionally understood to be the primary and direct path of verbal designation.     

Illumination,Imagination, Creativity: Rājaśekhara,Kuntaka, and Jagannātha on <Emphasis Type="Italic">Pratibhā</Emphasis>

Sanskrit poeticians make the visionary faculty of pratibhā a necessary part of the professional poet’s make-up. The term has a pre-history in Bhartṛhari’s linguistic metaphysics, where it is used to explain the unitary perception of meaning. This essay examines the relation between pratibhā and possible theories of the imagination, with a focus on three unusual theoreticians—Rājaśekhara, Kuntaka, and Jagannātha Paṇḍita. Rājaśekhara offers an analysis of pratibhā that is heavily interactive, requiring the discerning presence of the bhāvaka listener or critic; he also positions pratibhā in relation to Bildung (vyutpatti) and practice. For Kuntaka, pratibhā, never an ex nihilo creation by a poet, serves as the basis for the peculiar forms of intensified insight and experience that constitute poetry; these may also involve the creative scrambling and re-articulation of the object in terms of its systemic composition. At times, Kuntaka’s pratibhā comes close to a strong notion of imaginative process. But the full-fledged thematization of the imagination, and of pratibhā as its support and mechanism, is best seen in the seventeenth-century debates preserved for us by Jagannātha. A link is suggested between the discourse of poetic imagination in Jagannātha and similar themes that turn up in Indo-Persian poets such as Bedil.     

Preventing Homelessness for System‐Involved Youth

Too many youth and young adults find themselves on the streets, couch‐surfing with friends, in emergency shelters or worse, after exiting the child welfare and juvenile justice systems. In some circumstances, youth have had court hearings until their exit from the legal system, but those hearings have not focused on long‐range plans of youth and emergencies youth may encounter. In other circumstances, there has been little or no planning prior to discharge, especially for young people who leave the juvenile justice system. Courts can and should prevent, alleviate or end youth homelessness for youth who appear before them through strategies that are enumerated in the recently‐passed NCJFCJ resolution. This article expounds on three of these strategies – coordinating transition and re‐entry plans, insisting on effective legal representation of youth, and utilizing sound judicial leadership. It also describes the concurrent efforts of the Coalition for Juvenile Justice and the American Bar Association's Homeless Youth Legal Network to remove legal barriers and improve outcomes for youth and young adults experiencing homelessness.     

Best practices for structuring a family court parenting plan evaluation under the 2022 AFCC Guidelines

Evaluation appointment orders provide enforceable scaffolding for conduct of family court parenting plan evaluations, and use of the evaluator's reports, feedback, file, and testimony. Unlike a contract, a stipulated or adjudicated appointment order is directly enforceable by the family court. It unambiguously positions the evaluator as the family court's appointee – answerable directly to the court and, in some jurisdictions, protected by quasi-judicial immunity from damages claims. A well-crafted appointment order governs the roles and expectations of the court, the evaluator, the parties, the lawyers, and the collateral witnesses. An appointment order mandates the legal duties, rights, powers, and responsibilities of the professionals, the parties, and the collateral witnesses. At minimum, an appointment order articulates the legal basis for the appointment, the purpose and scope of the evaluation, compensation of evaluator, and the duty of the parties to participate in the process. A written evaluation protocol or procedures statement discloses in advance the methods of investigation and assessment that the evaluator intends to use. Together, the appointment order and written protocol help the evaluator, lawyers, parents, and judge manage the complexity of the evaluation process.     

The Supreme Array Scripture: A New Interpretation of the Title “Gaṇḍavyūha-sūtra”

This article argues for a new interpretation of the Sanskrit compound gaṇḍa-vyūha as it is used in the common title of the Mahāyāna text the Gaṇḍavyūha-Sūtra.The author begins by providing a brief history of the sūtra’s appellations in Chinese and Tibetan sources. Next, the meanings of gaṇḍa (the problematic member of the compound) are explored. The author proposes that contemporary scholars have overlooked a meaning of gaṇḍa occurring in some compounds, wherein gaṇḍa can mean simply “great,” “big” or “massive.” This general sense is particularly common in the compound gaṇda-śaila (a “massive rock” or “boulder”) and is found in such texts as the Bhāgavata Purāṇa, the Harivaṃśa and the Harṣacarita. Following the discussion of Gaṇḍa, the author examines the term vyūha (“array”) as it is used in the Gaṇḍavyūha-sūtra. The article concludes with the suggestion that a more appropriate translation of the Gaṇḍavyūha-sūtra would be “The Supreme array Scripture.”     

Evaluation of six presumptive tests for blood, their specificity, sensitivity, and effect on high molecular-weight DNA

Luminol, leuchomalachite green, phenolphthalein, Hemastix, Hemident, and Bluestar are all used as presumptive tests for blood. In this study, the tests were subjected to dilute blood (from 1:10,000 to 1:10,000,000), many common household substance, and chemicals. Samples were tested for DNA to determine whether the presumptive tests damaged or destroyed DNA. The DNA loci tested were D2S1338 and D19S433. Leuchomalachite green had a sensitivity of 1:10,000, while the remaining tests were able to detect blood to a dilution of 1:100,000. Substances tested include saliva, semen, potato, tomato, tomato sauce, tomato sauce with meat, red onion, red kidney bean, horseradish, 0.1 M ascorbic acid, 5% bleach, 10% cupric sulfate, 10% ferric sulfate, and 10% nickel chloride. Of all the substances tested, not one of the household items reacted with every test; however, the chemicals did. DNA was recovered and amplified from luminol, phenolphthalein, Hemastix, and Bluestar, but not from leuchomalachite green or Hemident.     

<Emphasis Type="Italic">Anyathākhyāti</Emphasis>: A Critique by Appaya Dīkṣita in the <Emphasis Type="Italic">Parimala</Emphasis>

In this paper, the problem of illusory perception, as approached by the Nyāya and Advaita Vedānta schools of philosophy, is discussed from the standpoint of the Parimala. This seminal work belonging to the Bhāmatī tradition of Advaita Vedānta was composed in the sixteenth century by the polymath Appaya Dīk?ita. In the context of discussing various theories of illusion, Dīk?ita dwells upon the Nyāya theory of anyathākhyāti, and its connection with jñānalak?a?apratyāsatti as a causal factor for perception, and closely examines if such an extraordinary (alaukika) perception is tenable to explain illusory perception. He then proceeds to point out the deficiencies of this model and thereby brings to the fore the anirvacanīyakhyāti of Advaitins as the only theory which stands scrutiny.     

Monks Who Have Sex: Pārājika Penance in Indian Buddhist Monasticisms

In the study of Buddhism it is commonly accepted that a monk or nun who commits a pārājika offence is permanently and irrevocably expelled from the Buddhist monastic order. This view is based primarily on readings of the Pāli Vinaya. With the exception of the Pāli Vinaya, however, all other extant Buddhist monastic law codes (Dharmaguptaka, Mahāsāṅghika, Mahīśāsaka, Sarvāstivāda and Mūlasarvāstivāda) contain detailed provisions for monks and nuns who commit pārājikas but nevertheless wish to remain within the saṅgha. These monastics are not expelled. Rather, they are granted a special status known as the śikṣādattaka. In this paper I explore the rules. concerning pārājika penance and the śikṣādattaka with specific regard to monastic celibacy. Given that five out of six extant law codes recognise this remarkable accommodation to the rule of celibacy, I argue that we must look to Vinayas other than the Pāli Vinaya if we are to arrive at a nuanced and representative view of Indian Buddhist monasticism.

Grant me chastity and continence, but not yet. Augustine of Hippo (354–430 C.E.)