Institutionalizing ASEAN: celebrating Europe through network governance

This article provides a new piece for two of the puzzles of institutionalized cooperation in Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). First, with regard to the organization's four decades of existence, there has always been a marked gap between ASEAN's rhetorical goals of cooperation and its actual achievements. What explains these systematic failures of implementation? Second, from the outset, ASEAN was criticized for its light institutionalization, which failed to deliver the substantial cooperation goals. Despite selected institutional reforms, ASEAN's autonomy has not increased remarkably and it has not made any major institutional innovations. Why does ASEAN design institutions it does not use? Why does this transformation gap occur? The author suggests a sociological institutional explanation and argues that major impulses for cooperation have come from outside Southeast Asia, most importantly from Europe. By mimicking the European integration process, ASEAN member states have effectively created an isomorphic organization. The Association's institutional development reflects a concern for international legitimacy and less an objective functional demand arising from the specific interactions of member states. This copying process has led to network governance within the organization.     

Model power or reference point? The EU and the ASEAN Charter

Several scholars have suggested that ASEAN's institutionalization can be attributed to the EU's influence as a ‘model power’. The notion of the EU as a model power is premised on the assumption and belief that Europe's history of regional cooperation presents a viable blueprint for other regions. This article argues that the EU exerts some power over ASEAN—but merely as a ‘reference point’. The EU's influence is not an active one; the organisation essentially serves as a passive reference point for ASEAN. The obvious and arguably most important example of this referencing is the framing of the ASEAN Charter in 2007. This article disagrees with scholars who reduce ASEAN's institutionalization to an imitation of the EU form without the substance. Instead, it shows how ASEAN has innovated as a regional organization through its Charter and Intergovernmental Human Rights Commission.     

Institutional divergence and convergence in the Asia-Pacific? ASEAN in practice and in theory

This paper gives attention to the geopolitics related to the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) as an alternative model of regionalism in theory and practice. Offering a rough periodization of ASEAN in IR theory, it considers interacting theoretical and empirical developments, and their geopolitics as one way to think about, first, ASEAN, its defining dynamics and processes of change, and, second, ASEAN's relationship to a larger IR theory literature defined by US preoccupations and the institutional trajectory of the European Union. Three periods are considered: a Cold War period, when ASEAN norms and practices developed relatively insulated from great power expectations and theorizing about ASEAN was minimal; the 1990s, when constructivist theorizing encouraged new thinking about alternative institutional models; and the 2000s, a period characterized by correlating great power pressures and a ‘functional’ turn in academic and theoretical debates about ASEAN. Special attention is given to the United States as a major, leading actor in both world politics and the institutionalization of international relations as a discipline, as well as the possibilities and constraints of institutional divergence in theory and practice.     

A new model of Asian regionalism: does the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation have more potential than ASEAN?

The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) is an established player in Southeast Asia, while the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) is an emergent force in Central Asia. This article comparatively assesses ASEAN and SCO to investigate the nature of each organization's model of cooperation and their utility in the contemporary political landscape in Asia. It argues that SCO differs from ASEAN on a few significant points: its composition and level of institutionalization. At the same time, both organizations have similar agendas and models of cooperation, emphasizing a common spirit, flexibility and a focus on regime security. The paper concludes that ASEAN's model of cooperation continues to be relevant to the contemporary Asian landscape, and its brand of loosely codified, informal and norm driven multilateralism continues to be durable and robust.     

Arguing about ASEAN: what do we disagree about?

This article argues that ASEAN has been, will remain, an essentially contested institution. No one has claimed, or could claim, that ASEAN is a flawless organization, but at the same time, the characterization of ASEAN as a dysfunctional entity or a talk shop is misplaced. The reality lies in taking the middle ground as the articles in this special issue show. Research and debate on ASEAN should be based on comparing its record with other regional associations in the developing world and using some agreed criteria about what success or failure means. And disagreements about ASEAN's role should be welcomed as part of a healthy debate.     

国家间协调与区域安全治理:理解东盟安全机制

东盟安全机制以"东盟方式"著称,基于东盟的经验事实,本文认为,国家间协调是理解东盟安全机制的恰当理论框架。在此基础上评估了东盟安全机制的绩效:在抑制成员国内部冲突、化解东南亚地区国家间争端方面取得了积极效果。同时,由于东盟国家利益分歧,安全合作领域数量少、程度浅;东盟安全机制是中小国家之间的协调机制,其治理能力有限,无法单独解决地区重大安全问题,需要与外部大国相配合;东盟国家对主权独立格外重视,在安全领域缺少制裁机制,导致领土争端无法在区域内得到解决。面对本地区的复杂安全形势,东盟对内需要拓宽、深化安全领域的合作,对外需要加强与大国的安全合作。     

The Construction of the China–ASEAN Free Trade Area: A Study of China's Active Involvement

The central argument of this paper is that China's economic diplomacy not only improves its political relations with ASEAN countries but also promotes regional economic co-operation and integration. This paper is organised into two parts. The first part starts with a review of Chinese foreign policy changes in order to show how Beijing adjusted its foreign policy to pursue its economic and political interests. It also examines China's political and institutional efforts to forge the coming Free Trade Area (FTA) with ASEAN. The second part studies China–ASEAN trade relations from three aspects: the adjustment of Chinese industrial structure, foreign direct investment to both sides and the formation of a production network with China at the centre. While difficulties and problems are unavoidable in the construction of CAFTA, with China's active efforts and the enhanced co-operation between China and ASEAN, the building of CAFTA is moving towards fulfilment.     

东盟“伊斯兰化”与东盟10国对以关系的互动研究

冷战结束为东南亚地区一体化发展和东盟扩大创造了条件。随着伊斯兰复兴运动近年在马来西亚和文莱的深化,这两国出于宗教情感而持反以亲阿的态度,并将其变为东盟意志,无视东盟大多数成员为非伊斯兰国家且与以色列合作良好的事实。这既体现了冷战后国际关系格局发展现实在东南亚的投影,又体现了当代国际关系的“宗教转向”和东盟国家在伊斯兰问题上的分歧公开化。以色列实际上已成为东盟伊斯兰与非伊斯兰成员国之间的宗教“柏林墙”。欧盟模式应是东盟可资借鉴的方向,东盟制度建设乃至维系存在的基础在于：一是加强东盟制度民主建设,二是东盟机构的“去宗教化”。马来西亚和文莱可以通过伊斯兰会议组织等国际宗教组织发出其宗教诉求,但东盟绝非在宗教上的合适平台。     

东盟管理争端规范及其作用

东盟的产生源于减弱地区安全不确定性，缓解各国之间的安全困境与领土争端。东盟发表了一系列文件，并制定了相应的行为规范，建立了管理和解决成员国间冲突的机制。东盟在克服诸多挑战的过程中，在制定冲突管理规范方面取得了一些进展。东盟在建立安全共同体的过程中强调应对和管理冲突的东盟模式，虽然其贡献和作用受到质疑，但在管理东南亚地区冲突方面却得到了普遍认可。     

加快推进共同体进程,平衡扩大区域合作——东盟2012年内外合作分析

2012年,东盟各国政局总体稳定,经济平稳增长,缅甸进一步融入东盟大家庭,成员国在各领域加强合作,加快推进东盟共同体进程。在区域合作中,东盟坚持大国平衡外交政策和东盟的主导地位,但在南海问题上东盟的协商一致原则受到挑战。展望2013年,东盟将继续有效执行各项一体化计划,缩小成员国发展差距,扩大区域合作,以便于2015年建成东盟共同体。     

从《东盟宪章》看“东盟方式”的维护与转型

本文以《东盟宪章》出台之前的背景以及《东盟宪章》自身的内容为研究对象，认为“东盟方式”正经历一场适应新形势的转型，除了维护东盟方式中的部分原则外，更重视“第二轨道”作用和“国家内部关系”规范，侧重向“机构健全、功能强化”和向“高效的法制化”转变。     

冷战后东南亚国家南海政策的发展动向与中国的对策思考

本文主要从南海争端方国家、非南海争端方国家、东盟3个层次分析了冷战后东南亚国家南海政策的发展动向。对于南海争端方国家，重点分析了越南、菲律宾、马来西亚、印度尼西亚的南海政策；对非南海争端方国家重点分析了新加坡和泰国的南海政策；对于东盟的南海政策，本文指出协调成员国在南海问题上的立场，发表联合声明表达对南海问题的立场，直接就南海问题与中国进行对话，通过东盟地区论坛讨论南海问题构成了东盟对南海问题施加影响的主要方式。在对策思考方面，本文指出中国未来的南海政策应该侧重以下几点：继续将“搁置争议，共同开发”作为解决南海问题的基本原则；坚持“双边协商”的具体策略，力避南海问题的国际化；保持与东盟在南海问题上的沟通，确保东盟不致形成在南海问题上对中国不利的一致立场；在南海区域安全机制的构建和海洋安全维护方面发挥更大的作用。     

《东盟印太展望》及其战略启示

2019年6月,第34届东盟峰会发表了《东盟印太展望》,阐明了东盟关于地区合作的新主张。东盟正在改变以往模糊合作范围的地理概念,将其界定为依然相当模糊但大幅扩展的印太地区,反映出东盟对加强更广范围的地区合作已基本形成一致意见。尽管在达成共识的过程中存在一些分歧和保留意见,但东盟在当前国际和地区形势加速转型的关键时期,努力避免在大国博弈中被边缘化,尽力维护和增强东盟在地区合作中的中心地位。《东盟印太展望》的发布可谓是东盟的自保止损之道,体现出东盟各国深重的忧患意识。然而,此文件一定程度上也反映出东盟受美日澳法等"印太战略"的影响,具有一定的局限性。东盟未来需要有更加符合促进地区共同利益的精神,更能体现东盟的包容性、开放性、合作性,为建设更高质量的东盟共同体,促进地区和平与繁荣提供更强、更有韧性的动力。     

中国—东盟区域经济一体化趋势下的税收竞争与中国的政策选择

中国—东盟自由贸易区(CAFTA)的全面启动为"10+1"组合带来了大量的实惠,但不可否认的是,关税减免承诺无法抵消在国家利益驱使下的中国与东盟各成员国之间的税收竞争。CAFTA框架下,面对东盟国家日益激烈的税收竞争,中国应当采取何种措施积极参与其中,在充分保证国家经济利益的同时又避免卷入有害税收竞争的漩涡,值得我们深入研究。     

中国-东盟高等教育合作中的孔子学院——发展现状及其面临的问题

创建孔子学院是中国与东盟国家在高等教育合作领域的特殊形式。近年来,孔子学院的建设在东盟国家发展迅速,这主要得益于中国经济的高速发展、东盟国家和中国的地缘相近、东南亚华人华侨众多、东南亚国家人民对中国文化的热爱,以及中国-东盟自由贸易区建设带来的发展机遇等。孔子学院在东盟国家的发展也面临一些困难,师资和教材问题是其进一步发展的主要障碍,东盟国家的“文化威胁论”以及孔子学院激起周边国家的软实力竞争的反应也是一个不容忽视的问题。     

2013~2014年中国—东盟货物贸易数量分析与预测———年度分析系列报告之十一

2013年,中国与各贸易伙伴的贸易增速放缓,在中国的前四大贸易伙伴中,中国与东盟的贸易额增速最快。2013年,中国与东盟的进出口贸易额为4436．1亿美元,同比增长10．9％,中方顺差445．3亿美元,顺差额为2012年的5-3倍。中国与东盟4个新成员国的贸易增势强劲,与6个老成员国的贸易增速缓和,中马贸易额首次超过1000亿美元。一般贸易、外资企业、机电产品仍占主体地位,但局部比重较上年稍有下降。数据检验分析显示,中国、日本、韩国与东盟的贸易保持稳定的协整关系、关联程度。预测2014年的中国～东盟经贸合作仍具有较大持续增长和优化的空间与势头。     

Regionalism's multiple negotiations: ASEAN in East Asia

This article explains East Asian regionalism as the product of two sets of negotiations. The first negotiation is between East Asia on the one hand and global forces and structures on the other. The second negotiation is intra-regional and includes a critical negotiation between the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN)-Southeast Asia and East/Northeast Asia, which also provides the primary focus of this article. This article details ASEAN's extensions into East Asian regionalism as part of interdependent efforts to adapt transitioning global and regional systems. Conceiving these regional negotiations to be not just economic and utilitarian but first and foremost normative, this article details the opportunities and dilemmas represented by ‘East Asia’ for ASEAN, ASEAN-Southeast Asia and Southeast Asia as a meaningful organizing principle. Dilemmas associated with the ASEAN Plus Three process, an East Asia free-trade area and the ASEAN Charter provide illustrations of East Asia's understood challenges for Southeast Asia in addition to the ways that Southeast Asian agencies have been shaping the form and content of recent East Asian efforts and also how regional-global and intra-ASEAN negotiations continue to provide key constraints.     

“双循环”背景下陆海新通道与澜湄合作对接

陆海新通道与澜湄合作对接是推动形成"双循环"新发展格局的一个可能突破口。作为国际机制的陆海新通道与澜湄合作匹配基础好、对接难度小。但在对接过程中,仍面临着区域互联互通不畅、合作机制重叠低效,大国博弈日趋激烈、机制成员国和东盟对中国影响力扩大有疑虑等挑战。由此,可通过加强互联互通建设、增加与其它国际机制的合作、开展在第三方市场合作等路径,推动陆海新通道与澜湄合作实现高效对接,进而推动"双循环"新发展格局在中国西南方向实现突破,使中国与中南半岛乃至东盟国家实现联动发展。     

中国－东盟服务贸易自由化与竞争力

服务贸易是中国-东盟自由贸易区建设的重要组成部分，从一开始就列入了双方的谈判议程。2004年11月《货物贸易协议》签署后，双方加快了服务贸易谈判。经过多轮磋商，双方就《服务贸易协议》文本和各国的第一批具体承诺减让表达成一致，并于2007年1月14日正式签署《中国-东盟全面经济合作框架协议服务贸易协议》。     

‘Ali Baba's Cave’: The Sea of Okhotsk's Contentious Triangle

Amidst international furor over its annexation of Crimea, Russia quietly acquired a far more lucrative territory through different means: in March, the United Nations recognized Russia's claim to the resource-rich “Peanut Hole” in the center of the Sea of Okhotsk. This strategically and economically important body of water—a “real Ali Baba's cave” of untapped oil and gas reserves—lies within a contentious triangle formed by eastern Russia and northern Japan. Securing the Okhotsk's legal status as an internal sea goes far to advancing Russian claims in the Arctic, and bolsters Russia's bargaining position over four disputed Kuril islands which Japan callsits “Northern Territories.”