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1.
亚洲开发银行的成立是在特定的时代背景下,各方国际力量追逐利益博弈的结果。经过40多年的运营,亚洲开发银行在资金来源、职能定位、组织结构、主要业务及未来重点发展领域等方面日趋成熟与完善。通过对亚洲开发银行运行现状进行分析,可归纳出四个方面的成功经验,但也存在五个方面的问题,这些经验与问题给亚洲基础设施投资银行的创建和未来的运营带来了诸多的启示。  相似文献   

2.
为促进亚洲地区互联互通建设和经济一体化进程,中国政府倡议筹建亚洲基础设施投资银行,得到东盟的赞赏和支持。筹建亚洲基础设施投资银行已经提上重要议事日程。本文拟阐述筹建亚洲基础设施投资银行的重大意义,分析筹建亚洲基础设施投资银行面临的困难和挑战,研究提出筹建亚洲基础设施投资银行的基本思路,建议筹建亚洲基础设施投资银行率先在中国—东盟区域实现突破,取得好的成效、积累一定经验后再逐步扩大到整个亚洲地区。本文设计了亚洲基础设施投资银行的性质宗旨与职能定位、机构设置与总部选址、资金来源与合作方式等,尤其对在中国—东盟区域起步的亚洲基础设施投资银行的合作方式、期初的股本资金、各国出资金额及所占比重进行较为深入的研究,提出可行性初步操作方案,抛砖以引玉,供决策参考。需要说明的是,本文提出的观点仅是我们个人学术观点,不代表任何组织和机构。  相似文献   

3.
世界银行(WB)是全球最有影响力的多边开发金融机构,自成立以来对发展世界经济发挥了重要作用并积累了许多成功经验。本文拟简述世界银行成立的背景、成立的宗旨、职能的变迁、组织机构、资金来源、主要业务等,分析其发展现状、运行成效和存在的问题,总结其在投资管理、贷款评估机制、自我评估机制等方面的成功经验,并对筹建亚洲基础设施投资银行提出5个方面的启示和建议。  相似文献   

4.
网络安全审查是一个系统工程,其涵盖的层面和内容十分广泛,既涉及技术,也涉及立法和管理等问题。美国拥有较为成熟的网络安全审查制度,在国家立法层面,有完善的网络安全审查相关法律法规;在管理层面,有网络安全审查机构以及一整套的国家关键信息基础设施保护审查手段、信息通信技术供应链审查等防线,以重点保障国家网络安全。美国之所以成为信息强国,离不开其网络安全保障、信息通信技术自主可控和管理体制的健全,其中一个重要制度便是其网络安全审查制度,既控制了产业,又影响了世界,极具借鉴意义。目前,中国是网络大国,但还不是网络强国,大量外国信息技术产品已经深度渗透至中国的关键信息基础设施,中国面临着严峻的网络安全保障、信息通信技术自主可控和网络安全管理体制等方面的挑战。要想保障国家安全、网络安全,网络安全审查必然要成为国家安全审查的重要组成部分。这就要求中国在关键信息基础设施领域尤其是信息技术通信产品、服务、系统以及相关投资领域开展是否危及国家安全、网络安全的审查,并建立完善的适应中国国情的网络安全审查制度。  相似文献   

5.
6.
    
Recent work has begun exploring the effects of foreign military deployments on host-state foreign policies. However, research mostly focuses on dyadic relationships between major powers and host-states, ignoring the broader regional security environment of host-states. We develop a theory of spatial hierarchies to understand how security relationships throughout the region surrounding the host-state affect host-state foreign policy. Using data on US military deployments from 1950–2005, we show that regional security considerations condition how host-states respond to the deployment of military forces to their territory. Consequently, regional analyses are fundamental in understanding monadic and dyadic decisions about security, alliance behavior, and conflict.  相似文献   

7.
欧亚大陆北部和中部的国家(包括欧亚地区最大的经济体俄罗斯和哈萨克斯坦),都认识到“一带一路”倡议的潜在价值。几年来,这些国家逐渐接受“一带一路”倡议各方面内容,期待增加欧亚地区交通基础设施投资并扩大运输量。欧亚地区交通运输量增加不仅能带来丰厚的利润,还能改善欧亚地区内部的互联互通。本文通过估算跨欧亚大陆过境运输量,分析欧亚地区北部和中部国家对“一带一路”倡议及自身利益的认知,以及相关国家对目前和未来的担忧,进而提出既对“一带一路”倡议更有价值又能促进欧亚地区北部和中部国家国际经济和制度能力提高的建议。  相似文献   

8.
    
Terrorism is a complex issue and various researchers have identified numerous causes and conditions that generate or are capable of generating terrorism. In the last decade, terrorist attacks claimed 36,495 lives and injured 27,985 people in Pakistan as a result of 3,482 bomb blasts and 281 suicide attacks. The aim of this research was to establish the major risk factors generating terrorism, based on the opinions of security officials who dealt directly with the Pakistan security situation. Sixty-five causes identified from the literature and interviews with security officials were modeled and transformed into a questionnaire. A nationwide response from security officials who were directly involved in dealing with apprehended terrorists was obtained. The population was selected proportionately from high, medium, and low security zones of Pakistan. Out of 500 questionnaires sent, 103 valid responses were received. The results helped establish the 13 major risk factors associated with generating terrorism. It was observed that addressing these 13 major risk factors would mostly resolve the other minor risk factors as well. Findings of this research might be beneficial for countries affected by terrorism, and countries with prioritized and rationalized allocation of funds in their budgets for substantially overcoming terrorism.  相似文献   

9.
试析石油经济风险及其规避   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
在许多国家的经济增长和发展中,石油经济仍然起着重要作用,但因多种原因,它面临许多风险。本文分析了导致石油经济风险的主要原因以及石油经济风险产生的影响,并提出规避石油经济风险的具体建议。  相似文献   

10.
Since thoughts about the future cannot help but enter into our planning of policy, the International Relations community should make it an aim to help systematize these thoughts. One way of doing this is by developing a methodology for scenario building. Much extant work on scenario planning shares a key weakness that is well known in traditional socioeconomic planning, namely a tendency to reify current trends. In order to break with this tendency, this article sets out an approach that we call perspectivist scenario building. We also try to illustrate the points made and demonstrate the value added for planners by reflecting on our own experience in participation-oriented scenario work with Norwegian bureaucrats and politicians in the framework of a broad-scoped national scenario project for the Norwegian Government in the period between 1998 and 2001, called Norway 2030.  相似文献   

11.
    
Why do some states agree to suspend their weapons programs in exchange for compensation while others fail to come to terms? I argue that the changing credibility of preventive war is an important determinant of arms construction. If preventive war is never an option, states can reach mutually preferable settlements. However, if preventive war is not credible today but will be credible in the future, a commitment problem results: the state considering investment faces a “window of opportunity” and must build the arms or it will not receive concessions later on. Thus, agreements fail under these conditions. I then apply the theoretical findings to the Soviet Union’s decision to build nuclear weapons in 1949. War exhaustion made preventive war not credible for the United States immediately following World War II, but lingering concerns about future preventive action induced Moscow to proliferate.  相似文献   

12.
    
To fully understand the effects of factors that encourage rebellion, we must differentiate between the way such factors influence mass decisions to join an ongoing rebellion and the way they influence the level of concessions offered by the government. We analyze a three-player bargaining model that allows us to do so. Our results indicate that governments tolerate a greater risk of conflict with their chosen concessions when any conflict that does occur is likely to take the form of a limited, rather than popular, rebellion. We demonstrate that rebellions are more likely to be popular when the general populace is relatively dissatisfied with the status quo and when the government is relatively incapable of putting down rebellions. Widespread poverty and low state capacity might therefore be associated with a lower likelihood of conflict, but a greater probability that the general populace will participate in any conflict that does occur.  相似文献   

13.
    
Do economic sanctions serve international signaling purposes? A fully structural statistical model that employs a signaling game as a statistical model is used to investigate the existence of signaling effects of sanctions. Estimation results suggest that sanctions fail to work as a costly signal. The cheapness of sanctions prevents a target state from being able to distinguish a resolute sender state from a sender who is bluffing. When sanctions are imposed, a target rarely updates its initial evaluation of the sender state’s resolve, much less than when a military challenge is observed.  相似文献   

14.
《国际相互影响》2012,38(5):571-596
To what extent are states vulnerable to disruptions in trade networks? We investigate this question by simulating attacks on the intermodal shipping network, whose ubiquitous containers carry 80% to 90% of all global trade in goods. While this network has reduced transportation costs and spurred international trade, the dependence of modern economies on ship-borne trade means disruptions in one region may produce considerable costs for states in another region. We simulate an “optimal terrorist” that learns about the conditions under which attacks on the network in other parts of the world generate economic losses to the United States. The study illustrates that by adopting a network- and process-oriented ontology, the study of interdependence may better anticipate new sources of interstate and transnational conflict.  相似文献   

15.
    
I analyze a two-level game in which a leader bargains over the spoils of international bargaining with a domestic opposition that can threaten her with a coup or revolution. While fighting an international war shrinks the domestic pie, it also alters the distribution of domestic power. This has three main implications. First, if war will undermine the opposition, fighting may be so attractive that leaders demand more for peace than foreign states are willing to give, leading to war. Second, if war will bolster the opposition, leaders accept harsh terms to avoid fighting—strategic selection that has implications for the observed relationship between war and political survival. Finally, prospective shifts in the distribution of domestic power caused by war can reduce the effects of international asymmetric information, though the result may be to increase or decrease the chances of war.  相似文献   

16.
    
This article uses a laboratory experiment to test one of the main predictions of selectorate theory, that is, that democratic leaders invest more resources in public goods than autocratic leaders. The results of the experiment confirm this prediction and further show citizens are better off on average under democratic institutions than autocratic institutions. Meanwhile, autocratic leaders receive higher payoffs than democratic leaders. Additionally, this article attempts to bring domestic politics into international relations experimentation with a focus on how communication may allow democracies to organize more efficiently for war than autocracies. A game theoretical model shows democracies have the potential to organize optimally and use their citizens’ skills to their full advantage while autocracies do not. The results of the experiment reveal some evidence that democracies organize more efficiently than autocracies, but that this increased efficiency did not produce a higher percentage of conflict wins.  相似文献   

17.
中国文化安全中的重要要素是汉字安全。汉字安全是指:汉字系统这项中华民族文化的重要载体处于没有危险的,即既没有外部的威胁又没有内部的混乱和疾患的客观状态;在中国国家文化中不失去其主导地位;保持合理的纯洁性;不给人民带来不便和害处;中国人使用汉字的权利不受外部强权的威胁和侵害。目前,汉字在中国媒体以及社会生活各领域中的应用方面存有潜在危机,人们对汉字安全问题的认识存有误区,不重视汉字应用的合理性、纯洁性和规范性,出现了汉字系统的混乱和疾患,给人民生活带来了一定程度的不便和害处,汉字安全的危机由此萌生。中国大众传媒过度使用英文字母缩略词对汉字安全构成外源性的冲击。海峡两岸以及港澳地区汉字字形不统一、中国人书写汉字能力下降以及不雅汉字的滥用,形成对汉字安全的内源性冲击。正视汉字安全的潜在危机,积极应对,维护祖国汉字体系的安全、完整和稳定,对于落实总体国家安全观,保持对自身文化的自信、耐力和定力,提升文化软实力,都具有极其重要的意义。  相似文献   

18.
    
Sovereign creditworthiness is as much a function of politics as economic fundamentals. Previous research has focused on the relationship between creditworthiness and political factors such as regime type, regional effects, and international organization membership. These factors, while important, often change slowly and do not always capture the more dynamic political determinants of creditworthiness. As an alternative, this study focuses on the role of leaders. We argue that leaders’ tenure reduces uncertainty in the sovereign credit market. Time in power allows leaders to better manage expectations related to sovereign credit policy of both domestic supporters and market actors. As a result, we expect that creditworthiness improves as a leader’s tenure increases. We find supporting evidence for our argument using two distinct empirical approaches: panel data analysis and a natural experiment. Our findings provide a better understanding of the relationship between leaders, politics, and sovereign credit.  相似文献   

19.
《国际相互影响》2012,38(3):255-285
Political conflicts are modeled as Markovian processes where the states are the possible outcomes and the forecast is the steady‐state probability of each outcome. The input variables are the power of the actors, the salience of the issue to the actors and the desirability of each possible outcome to the actors.

The modeling flexibility of the proposed method is verified by its application to twenty‐eight actual conflicts that include economic and political issues resolved on national and international settings. The predictive capability of the method is established by close agreement between probability intervals of the forecasts and the actual outcomes.  相似文献   

20.
    
Under the prospect of productive specialization, the degree of potential success of the euro since its inception was seen as closely linked to the development of effective risk‐sharing mechanisms across EU members. Without shared fiscal resources, financial integration was expected to play a leading role in this respect. This paper documents the failure in fulfilling this expectation: Along with an analysis of the evolution of specialization and risk‐sharing, we present evidence supporting the claim that progress in financial integration has not been conducive to income risk‐sharing across euro area members, while it might have favoured a specialization split between countries with low‐medium and high technology productive structures. As a result, monetary union members face higher income fluctuation risk without enhanced insurance protection. Additionally, evidence suggests a differential impact of the specialization split on sector productivity, contributing to making the monetary union a club of non equals.  相似文献   

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