中新建交后中国对新加坡的认知变化——以国内发表的相关新加坡报道和文章数量变化为例

1990年10月3日中国与新加坡正式建交,中国与新加坡的两国关系的进入了新时期.中新建交十几年来,中国对新加坡的认知是什么?关注点是什么?有什么变化和特点?本文通过对国内发表的相关新加坡报道和文章数量变化的分析和对比,试揭示中新建交后中国对新加坡认知的变化轨迹.     

中国入世后的中新经贸关系

近年来,中国与新加坡的经贸关系迅速发展.中国加入WTO,对中新经贸关系的发展是利大于弊.中国入世后,新加坡积极调整对华经贸战略,实施"中国策略".可以预见,中国入世后的中新经贸关系将在广度和深度上不断发展.     

大使眼中De中新关系

刚卸任的陈宝鎏大使强调,中国重视与新加坡的关系;新加坡的廉政值得学习;中国外交以独立自主、和平共处为取各;中国加入世贸后竞争难免,但也和东南亚互补互惠.     

新加坡:2017年经济回顾与2018年展望

2017年,新加坡经济实现稳定增长,经济增速达3.5％,创近4年新高,全球竞争力有所回升.制造业成为其经济发展的主要支撑,建筑业发展放缓,服务业和旅游业保持稳定;货物贸易扭转连续下滑趋势,并呈现进出口产品、贸易伙伴集中的特点;但由于人口增长缓慢,劳动力市场萧条,失业率增高.保持经济高度开放并不断深化国际合作、多举措提升企业发展能力、全面推进智慧国建设、积极落实产业转型蓝图是新加坡促进经济发展的主要举措.2018年,新加坡将担任东盟轮值主席国和中国—东盟关系协调国,进一步加强与东盟及中国的经济合作将成为新加坡开展国际经济合作的重要方向.新加坡各产业将维持相对稳定的发展,重视和协助企业的发展仍将是新加坡促进经济发展的重要举措.     

新加坡大学国际化政策分析

新加坡大学国际化在21世纪进行得十分顺利.新加坡综合性大学有3所:新加坡困立大学(National U-niversity of Singapore,简称NUS、国大)和南洋理工大学(Nanyang Technological University,简称NTU、南大),还有2000年成立的新加坡管理大学(SingaporeManagement University,简称SMU、新大),另有2006年1月刚从新加坡管理学院(Singapore Institute of Man-agement)升级的新跃大学,类似于中国的成人高校.新加坡大学国际化主要是以新加坡国立大学和南洋理工大学为主的大学国际化.     

"中国-东南亚学"的具体建构和深化研究--刘宏教授《战后新加坡华人社会的嬗变》述评

2000年,新加坡学者刘宏教授提出"中国-东南亚学",是为区域研究中的理论创新.3年之后,作者立足新加坡,进一步在时空的经纬上,就当地华人社会作出鞭辟入里的分析和比较,以阐明新加坡华人社会在二战结束以来所呈现的本土、区域和全球的关系互动和模式变迁.综观全书,作者对新加坡华人社会研究的学理脉络与起承转合蕴含着"中国-东南亚学"的理论框架,其分析的旨趣和研究的归依表达了作者体系化工程的努力.     

21世纪海上丝绸之路建设背景下基于引力模型的中国与新加坡双边贸易潜力研究

随着21世纪海上丝绸之路建设的不断推进,中国正在积极主动地与沿线国家发展经贸关系。新加坡作为21世纪海上丝绸之路沿线的重要国家,研究中国与新加坡的经贸关系具有重要意义。本文在使用引力模型的基础上,运用2006~2015年中国与新加坡的双边贸易数据,分析了中国与新加坡之间的贸易现状、贸易互补性和贸易潜力。研究结果表明:中国与新加坡的贸易潜力在不断增长;中国与新加坡的进口贸易潜力大于出口潜力。     

中国电子产品新加坡市场营销分析

新加坡与中国的电子产品产业内贸易是两国贸易的主要形式 ,但与新加坡企业相比 ,中国企业海外营销力度不够 ,这影响了中国电子产品新加坡市场的开拓和电子产品出口结构的优化。新加坡拥有巨大的电子产品市场 ,我国电子企业应该通过选择较优的产品、价格、渠道与促销策略进入新加坡市场。     

东南亚大事记(2016年5、6月)

5月 ●1～10日,为期10天的由文莱与新加坡联合主持的联合海上安全及反恐演习分阶段在文莱、新加坡举行,有18个国家的3000名海军和特种部队参与演习,中国新型052C型导弹驱逐舰参加了演习. ●3日,2016年东盟防长扩大会议海上安全与反恐联合演习在文莱麻拉海军基地的多国协调中心正式开幕.此次联合演习在文莱、新加坡及两国之间海域举行,于5月12日结束.参加此次演习的国家有新加坡、越南、菲律宾、马来西亚、泰国、柬埔寨、老挝、缅甸、印度尼西亚和文莱等东盟10国及中国、俄罗斯、美国、日本、韩国、澳大利亚、新西兰和印度等8国.中国军舰“兰州”号导弹驱逐舰参加此次演习.     

邓小平聘请的外国经济顾问——新加坡经济学家吴庆瑞

吴庆瑞先生是新加坡执政的人民行动党的一位创始人,也是政府第二位领导人,为新加坡的经济奇迹做出丰功伟绩.中国国务院曾聘请吴庆瑞担任中国沿海经济开发区的经济和旅游业顾问,他也为中国的对外开放做出了贡献.     

经济外交与中国—东盟区域合作:内涵、实践与效用

经济外交是中国—东盟自由贸易区建成后中国与东盟共同获取"正和"经济利益、化解地区内矛盾的一种新途径。本文从中国对东盟经济外交的实践着手,分析其对提升区域合作层次、构建中国和谐周边的作用,并探索性地指出中国在对东盟实施经济外交过程中几个值得关注的问题。     

Long-term outlook for China’s political reform

China’s post-1978 economic reform is generally acclaimed as success, for the Chinese economy has expanded nine-fold in a matter of 25 years and the country rose from the world’s 34th largest trading nation in 1978 to the third largest in 2004 ahead of Japan. Interestingly, the Chinese experiment is often described in the West as “economic reform without political reform”. This begets the question: how could a politically un-reformed system be able to deliver such an economic miracle? In reality, China has conducted, by its own standards, major political reforms since 1978. Though far short of the Western expectations, the Chinese experience since 1978 should better be described as “great economic reforms with lesser political reforms”, without which China’s economic success would be inconceivable. China’s “lesser political reforms” have reduced country’s opportunities for greater political change, thus alienating many reform-minded intellectuals. Nevertheless, it may also have helped China avert the possible economic and social upheavals which could have resulted from rushing too fast into a radically different economic and political system. There is a strongly held belief, especially among the more ‘ideological’ observers of Chinese affairs that unless there were a radical political reform, perhaps tantamount to a revolution, to rid China of its “oppressive” Communist Party, the Chinese system would inevitably collapse just like what had happened in the USSR and Eastern Europe. As the party has been in power, China had been predicted to face collapse in the aftermath of the Tiananmen crisis of 1989, the Soviet Union’s disintegration of 1990, the death of Deng Xiaoping in 1996, and the Asian financial crisis of 1997 and the 2003 outbreak of SARS. Yet all these forecasts turned out to be wrong and the track record of the China doomsayers over the past 20 years is indeed poor. Will China become a democracy through its political reform in 20 years? Indeed, a full democracy could be the best scenario for China, the region and beyond, but it is difficult to give a definitive answer, which will, to a great extent, depend on how to achieve democracy in China, i.e. the costs/risks involved, as well as what kind of ultimate shape such a democracy will take. If full-fledged democratisation will take more time, the pressure for a more accountable government and more democratic society is growing, and this trend will continue with the rise of China’s middle class and civil society. Therefore, the most likely scenario for China in the coming two decades is that China will continue its own approach to political reform, and the relative successful experience of China’s economic reform may well set a pattern for China’s political reform in the years to come. As part of Europe’s general approach towards China’s political change, it is in Europe’s interest to assist, in line with the view of most Chinese, gradual reform rather than revolution or ‘regime change’, which could produce hugely negative consequences for China itself, Sino–European relations and European interests in China and even East Asia.     

美国TPP战略的动机及其对东北亚经济一体化的影响研究

美国TPP战略既是美国外贸政策的重大调整,也是对WTO全球多边贸易秩序的系统性突破。它不仅反映了美国政府试图重振其国内脆弱经济的努力,同时也标志着美国亚太经济合作战略的重大转变。本文运用一般均衡模型,模拟了不同情境下美国TPP战略对不同地区产生的各种经济影响。模拟结果显示:TPP加入国家福利增加,而非加入国将受损,一个不包括中国的TPP将使得中国福利受损,贸易条件恶化。中国需要迅速建立包含中日韩三国的东北亚自由贸易区,同时应根据自己的长远利益构建针对美国TPP战略的其他对冲性政策。     

中国参与和推动东北亚区域经济合作的战略

东北亚地区对中国有着特别重要的地缘、经济、政治与安全意义。由于东北亚地区有着复杂的地缘关系,这个地区的合作呈现出多重框架、多种机制、多重因素影响的特点。出于地缘经济、政治的考虑,尤其是东北地区发展的战略考虑,中国对东北亚地区的合作采取了积极参与和务实推进的政策。本文主要分析新形势下中国参与和推进东北亚区域合作的战略性思考与选择。     

China–Australia strategic partnership in the context of China’s grand peripheral diplomacy

Alongside its rise, China has intensified its relations with countries on its periphery by adopting a “dual-core” strategy in order to create a “Community of Common Destiny”. In this context, China has upgraded its relationship with Australia from “commercial” to “strategic” levels. China’s “dual-core” strategy and the China–Australia strategic partnership reveal not only China’s desire for intensifying its economic interdependence with countries on its periphery, Australia included, but also China’s strategic intention of creating its own sphere of influence in the form of a “Community of Common Destiny”. China wishes to sustain its economic and social progress by restoring the past glory of “Fuqiang” (wealth and power) as it enhances both its “hard” and “soft” power. The intensified economic interdependence may persuade countries on its periphery to avoid being involved in any attempt by China’s competitors to contain its rise.     

Indo-Japanese Strategic Partnership and Power Transition in Asia

As the U.S.-led security order in Asia gradually comes under stress, regional powers such as India and Japan are formulating a strategic partnership to hedge against the vulnerabilities accruing out of the unfolding power transition in Asia. China’s unprecedented economic and military rise coupled with America’s perceived relative decline is drawing New Delhi and Tokyo into a strategic embrace. To insure their interests in this era of great power transition, New Delhi and Tokyo are keen to hedge against America’s possible failure in containing China’s growing assertiveness in Asia. This hedging strategy is evident in their growing strategic partnership which consists of a triple hedge: increasing bilateral defense partnership against fears of American retrenchment; economic engagement against an over-dependence on China; and a multilateral hedge against China’s growing influence in international and regional institutions. However, for Asia’s two prominent middle powers, transforming these nascent attempts into an effective strategic response to Asia’s current power transition would also require cooperation in the nuclear domain, an area where their policies continue to diverge.     

“一带一路”倡议推动全球经济治理变革的逻辑根源——基于发展逻辑与资本逻辑的比较分析

长期以来,全球经济治理由西方国家主导,遵从新自由主义的资本逻辑和竞争单方取胜的经济全球化运行逻辑,建构单方面契合西方国家利益偏好的统一规则治理模式。当前,这一传统的全球经济治理面临前所未有的困境而亟待变革。中国倡导的"一带一路"以"中国道路"的成功为事实基础,顺应发展导向与实践理性相互加强的理论逻辑,践行"发展共赢"的包容性全球化运行逻辑,塑造以包容性发展机制为核心特征的全球经济治理"中国方案"。对发展逻辑而非资本逻辑的遵循是"一带一路"倡议能够推动全球经济治理变革的逻辑根源。     

越南近海渔业及其对地区安全与合作的影响

20世纪90年代中期越南出于“海上安全”、经济社会发展、近岸渔业资源和环境保护的需要,大力发展“近海”渔业。然而,越南“近海”渔业意在凸显其单方面“专属经济区”权利主张和对我国南沙群岛、西沙群岛的主权声索,侵犯了我国南海岛礁主权和海洋权益,将升温南海争端,损害地区传统安全,不利于共同开发和南海争端的良性发展;越南的“近海”渔业对南海海洋渔业资源和海洋环境的保护也有不利影响,但客观上可能促进南海非传统安全合作。     

Global Economic Governance between China and the EU: the case of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank

The recent establishment of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), the initiative launched by the People’s Republic of China in 2013 underpins Beijing’s intensions to promote its own narrative about global economic governance (GEG) as well as China’s readiness to play a far more proactive role at the international level. In the age of global power shifting and with 14 EU member-states part of the AIIB, the European Union (EU) necessitates to engage further with China, in particular, within the context of multilateral institutions. This article analyses the impact of China’s evolving global governance policies on the EU. China’s and EU’s approaches to the reform of global governance present both differences and similarities, yet, the article highlights EU’s needs to make sense to what extent China’s growing ascent in the realm of global governance is reshaping world’s regional and global architectures vis-à-vis financial multilateral cooperation.     

中朝经贸关系发展现状与前景展望

2000年以后,中朝双边经贸关系迅速发展,双边贸易额、投资额均大幅增长,朝鲜对中国的经济依存度也逐年增加。虽然增速很快,但中朝之间贸易投资总额仍然不高,两国的经济交往仍面临很多障碍,朝鲜的外汇短缺、外贸交流体制的不健全、封闭的政策以及朝核危机等问题均为两国经济交往带来了阻碍。展望未来,中朝经贸关系具有很大的提升空间与发展潜力,根据两国面临的经济形势,建立中朝自由贸易区是一个具有战略意义的选择。