中国的反恐政策:原则、内容与措施

中国长期面临着各种恐怖主义威胁,并且这些恐怖主义威胁的种类和特征在不断发展变化.中国将打击恐怖主义作为保证国家安全的重要内容,一方面通过立法、健全组织机构等加强国内反恐能力,另一方面积极参与双边、多边的国际反恐合作,将其作为有效打击和遏制恐怖主义的必要手段.就未来的发展趋势而言,由于中国社会内部存在的各种矛盾使恐怖主义的根源在短时间内难以消除,以及各国在反恐问题上的不同态度和立场使国际反恐合作复杂化,决定了反恐将是一项长期的任务.     

关于国际合作的理论:概述与思考

本文阐述了新现实主义、新自由主义等主要国际关系理论对于国际合作命题的观点 ,并提出了一些较为深入的问题。本文以为 ,新现实主义在国际合作方面的论述较为粗糙 ,有必要从结构与合作的关系进行进一步的研究 ;而国际制度理论中 ,国际制度本身的研究也有待充实。     

北美自由贸易区环境合作的特点

北美自由贸易区的环境合作在区域性经济一体化组织中是独一无二的,其1994年以来的环境合作具有六个特点:高度尊重成员国主权,环境合作的目标明确、主导机构完善,环境合作的计划指导,注重广泛的宣传和公众参与,强化环境法规的有效实施、争端解决机制明确,重点加强墨西哥的环境工作.同时环境合作中还存在环境合作委员会与NAFTA机构之间缺乏实质性合作、公众参与缺乏系统性与效率之类的不足.     

韩中关系与东北亚国际合作体制

东北亚国际合作机制的提出始于20世纪80年代,此后这一议题进入具体讨论的阶段。由于地缘冲突、安全困境等多种原因,目前东北亚地区还难以推行以国际机制或国家理性选择为基础的国际合作机制。从政治外交、经济、人文等合作机制的发展状况来看,目前韩中关系正朝着更高的合作方向发展,这可以说是东北亚国际合作机制建设的重要基础和参照。不过,这其中的一些困扰因素仍然不可小觑。本文主要从经济、政治外交、社会文化三个方面讨论韩中关系的发展,由此分析韩中关系对构建东北亚国际合作机制的重要意义,探讨韩中两国尚未解决或难以妥协的矛盾分歧对东北亚国际合作机制的构建及其发展的重要影响。     

霸权周期论的贫困--兼析美国霸权是否走向衰落

由于大国力量的兴衰和国际安全形势的新变化,霸权周期论出现了贫困.新兴国家在主观和客观上都难以与挑战国家划等号.大国合作局面的持续与美国霸权强化的并存是21世纪初国际政治发展的现象.在经济全球化和国家安全相互依存不断深化的情况下,避免大国冲突和实现霸权的和平更替是完全可能的.     

"东盟方式"与东盟地区一体化

东盟自成立以来逐渐形成了一套独特的组织和决策方式,即"东盟方式"."东盟方式"有利于东盟国家的政治合作,是东盟一体化初期阶段的重要基础.但是在"东盟方式"的制约下,东盟难以建立超国家权力机构,缺乏集体行动能力,因此不利于经济一体化的发展,也使东盟难以在经济和安全领域进行危机管理.认识到这一点,东盟正在尝试采取有限的改革措施.     

制度变革与政策选择——基于国际公共资源分配问题的理论分析

近年来,大量出现的国际组织及其相关协议在国际舞台上发挥着越来越重要的作用。国家作为国际社会的主要组成部分,其与国际制度的关系问题引起了广泛关注。国际制度种类繁多,其对国家对外政策的影响方式也多种多样。文章认为,国际制度关于分配结构的变革影响了国家的政策选择。分配结构可以分为追求效率的市场型分配结构和公平优先的权威型分配结构。市场型的分配结构决定了国家可以根据自身的能力和偏好最大程度地获取权力与资源的收益,权威型的分配结构则通过国际组织和国际机制等政治权威对权力与资源进行直接或间接的控制和调节。在给定的国家偏好下,制度分配结构的变革改变了国家的收益,进而决定了国家行为体不同的政策选择。     

完善中日环境合作机制的路径选择

中国和日本的环境合作项目中,双边合作效果显著。而两国参加的多边层面的环境合作虽然形式众多,但由于大多采取对话方式从而难以落实到具体的行动当中,所以合作的实质进展十分缓慢,尤其在遇到解决跨界环境危机事件的过程中,缺乏有效整合及联合应急的能力,造成效率低下。中日两国应该尝试建立常设性的联合工作小组,以及临时性的联合应急行动小组;中国和日本作为东北亚的核心国家,在东北亚区域环境合作中要发挥更大的作用;在完善中国和日本环境合作机制的前提下,两国分别具体执行自己应承担的环保角色;加强中国和日本在节能、环保等方面的合作,减轻两国能源危机压力,这四个方面是合理的对策选择。     

国际政治经济学刍议

本文从理论的定义出发 ,逐一分析了现存国际政治经济学理论的各个流派。国际政治经济学是建立一门国际关系的综合理论的重要一步 ,但是其本身的理论建设却很不成熟。本文以为 ,还原理论无法从整体上把握国际体系的特征 ,也就无法提出一个核心变量。还原主义的国际政治经济学只能描述国际体系内政治与经济作用的某一方面 ,而不能解释体系内的国际关系。国际制度理论和世界体系理论的核心变量不够有力 ,都难以成为统一的国际政治经济学。只有结构现实主义的结构概念可以作为国际政治经济学的核心变量 ,而它的作用为霸权稳定理论和结构现实主义所证明。     

社会资本与区域合作的关系——以欧盟与东北亚区域合作为例

相对于其他地区的区域一体化程度,东北亚区域合作进程相对滞后.本文运用社会资本的视角,借助博弈分析先从理论上探讨了社会资本对区域合作的积极意义,并通过考察欧洲区域一体化进程中社会资本起到的关键性作用,指出欧洲历史上社会资本的形成有着丰富的投入与积累,正是社会资本这一网络关系,跨越了地界、国界和民族,既扮演区域一体化的推动者,也成为区域一体化的实施者.本文同时指出,由于历史原因,东北亚区域各国普遍缺乏相互信任、历史认同与区位归属,使得社会资本积累缺乏必要的社会基础条件,从而阻碍或者延缓了东北亚区域的合作.因此,增加社会资本投资,改善社会资本形式,有效利用社会资本,可以促进东北亚区域的合作与发展.     

2011年大选之后的泰国

泰国2011年大选前的政治格局与他信时期相比并没有太大的改变,因此,完全没有政治经验的英拉的上台也就不会令人感到太意外。但如上届政府一样,英拉上台后面临重重困难。外交方面,英拉政府则表现出色,在短短的时间内构建了包括周边国家、区域大国和国际组织在内的全方位外交体系。     

从“自由民主”到“可控民主”:俄罗斯政治体制改革的经济学解析与启示

从"自由民主"到"可控民主"俄罗斯的民主政治改革引起了广泛关注.本文在梳理俄罗斯政治体制改革曲折历程的基础上,力图运用放宽了假定条件的"新比较经济学"分析框架,解读俄罗斯政治体制改革与经济绩效之间的因果关系.文章认为,关于俄罗斯实行"可控民主"制度原因的诸多分析中,历史传统回归论是正确的,所以"可控民主"在俄罗斯将具有持久的生命力.     

企业外交参与:以在粤日本企业为例

传统意义上的外交只是中央政府之间的双边外交和各国政府委托的国际组织所进行的多边外交.在全球化加速发展的今天,个人、企业、非政府组织都不可避免地成为外交的参与者.广东作为中国改革开放的前沿,外国投资企业非常密集,他们不仅在经济战略上是中国改革开放实现现代化的有机组成部分,而且在政治外交上也是中国营造实现现代化的良好国际环境不可忽视的一部分.本文以珠三角日本企业参与外交为个案,分析外国企业应该如何参与外交,为促进国家间关系的良性循环发挥自己的作用,以及广东如何通过推动外国企业参与外交,为本省的现代化建设乃至整个中国的现代化建设营造良好的国际环境.     

日本战后日语教育国际化

战后,随着日本经济大国地位的确立,世界上学习日语的人数不断增多。在日语教育国际化的推广过程中,日本政府通过建立完善体制、设立推广机构、制定发展战略等举措,推动了日语教育国际化的发展。日语教育国际化不仅传播了语言本身,对促进海外了解日本、加强国际文化交流、提升国家形象具有重要作用。     

The role of epistemic communities: local think tanks,international practitioners and security sector reform in Kosovo

ABSTRACT

Security sector reform (SSR) in Kosovo remains complex and challenging. The existing approach is heavily driven by international agencies. This article addresses the question: What role is played by local research in Kosovo’s SSR? This study focuses on the challenges that local research poses to internationally led SSR in Kosovo, and the contribution that local researchers make to the decision-making of international practitioners. In Kosovo, local research organizations produce research analysing and critiquing international SSR and offering alternative approaches. The study builds on existing studies of epistemic communities and research use in policy-making and new evidence based on the author’s interview survey of researchers and policy-makers in Kosovo. The article argues that focusing on the interaction between local researchers and international policy practitioners provides valuable insight into the construction of Kosovo’s SSR. The study deconstructs the structures, processes and agencies at the heart of the local/international relationship. It explains how local research on topics of security, justice and rule of law, and its interaction with international practitioners, challenges international SSR and contributes to international SSR decision-making.     

The Syrian Refugee Crisis and the International Community

This article analyzes the problematics of the international community's response to the Syrian refugee crisis: patterns of displacement, including the lack of attention to basic needs, the limited economic opportunities in host countries, the conditions facing Syrian refugee children, the risk involved in migration, and the challenge of adapting to host societies. The article then elucidates the series of failures of the international community to address the causes of this displacement, despite efforts by nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and international institutions to alleviate suffering. It traces the humanitarian mismanagement to political divisions in the international community, including the failure of Arab states, the Iranian intervention, and the role of the United Nations, Russia and the United States in aggravating the displacement. The article provides policy recommendations for international actors in order to honor their commitments to hosting refugees and addresses the political requirements for a lasting solution.     

Beyond borders: the Egyptian 1947 epidemic as a regional and international crisis

This article examines the post-Second World War regionalization and internationalization of public health by focusing on the 1947 cholera epidemic in Egypt. We argue, first, that for the Egyptian medical profession, the epidemic served as an opportunity for both anti-colonial critique and soul-searching and self-criticism: it attested to the poor medical condition of the Egyptian countryside and the work required to ameliorate it. Second, we place the Egyptian epidemic in its regional context. We show how travel restrictions affected the mobility of people and merchandise between Egypt and its neighbours, as newly formed borders were solidified, crossed or transgressed. At the same time, the epidemic served as an opportunity for Arab solidarity. Finally, the since epidemic erupted during the short term of the WHO’s Interim Commission, Egypt served as the WHO’s first testing ground, helping to prove its capability to mobilize medical assistance, disseminate medical alerts and negotiate the abolition of quarantine restrictions. The epidemic, moreover, erupted against the background of renegotiation of international sanitary conventions, which historically placed cholera and the Muslim pilgrimage to the Hejaz at their centre. The source of the epidemic in a British military base and Egypt’s ability to contain the epidemic resonated with on-going debates over international travel restriction, international health policies and local sovereignty. The 1947 cholera epidemic was thus, a defining moment in the emerging relationship between international organizations and the decolonizing world.     

Hierarchy in Asian International Relations: 1300-1900

Abstract

Scholars in the field of international relations tend to treat the contemporary Asian system as if it emerged fully formed from nothingness in the post-World War II and post-colonial era. This essay explores a major historical epoch—the Asian international system from 1300 to 1900. During that time, the Asian international system was both intensive and extensive, in both interactions and relations between Asian states. Thus, understanding and incorporating this system into our theories of international relations is critical. To date, scholars have rarely described the main features of this system. In this article, I attempt such a task, and will also draw implications for mainstream international relations theories. In short, the research in this essay reveals that the historical Asian international system was stable and hierarchic in nature. The main theoretical finding is an alternative to the balancing proposition. That is, the findings in this article present a major empirical challenge to the argument that balance of power is a recurrent phenomenon across time and geography. Furthermore, this article shows that hierarchy may be more stable than balancing as an organizing principle in international relations.     

Explaining community mobilization in the city of Vilnius: a search for social capital

The article explores community mobilization in the urban environment. Specifically, it examines community organizations in Lithuania’s capital city of Vilnius. Engaging with social capital theory, the article illustrates the actual community mobilizations, their stories, collective action strategies, and reasons for mobilizing. It challenges the assumption that mobilizations rarely take place in the urban environment of Lithuania due to low civil society and a nonparticipatory culture. This article shows that when mobilizations do take place, they can be short lived but still achieve significant results.     

A new look: professionalization of NGOs in Kyrgyzstan

Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in post-Soviet Kyrgyzstan have become visible players in the social and political scene. However, despite being portrayed as professional organizations in the literature, the professionalization of NGOs in Kyrgyzstan has been understudied. This article aims to rectify this gap. It presents and discusses the findings of a study analysing NGOs from an organizational perspective using semi-structured interviews with 45 NGOs, self-administered questionnaires with their leaders and employees, and observation of their working environment. The key conclusion is that the NGO sector can be described as semi-professional. NGOs use different tactics to achieve efficiency and effectiveness. However, they face such challenges as limited funding, high staff turnover and poor coordination. The article provides an account of the NGO sector by mapping it into professional and non-professional groups that can serve as a new benchmark for better understanding NGOs in Kyrgyzstan.