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1.
《Asia & the Pacific Policy Studies》2018,5(2):235-248
Since 2013, Australian aid has been reduced and increasingly focused on delivering benefits to Australia. Motivated by these changes, this paper fills three gaps in the existing literature on public opinion about aid. It provides the only recent detailed study of Australians' opinions about aid. It studies specific policy questions in addition to the broader questions typical of international research. And it studies views on the purpose of aid, an area not previously researched. Although Australians are generally supportive of aid, most backed major aid cuts in 2015. However, most Australians think the purpose of Australian aid should be helping people in poor countries, not bringing benefits to Australia. There is a clear left–right divide in responses to all questions; however, some variables correlated with support for aid fail to explain variation in views about aid's purpose. The paper concludes by discussing ramifications for those who seek to change aid policy. 相似文献
2.
Simon Philpott 《Third world quarterly》2017,38(4):862-881
This article examines the Australian Football League’s (AFL) diplomatic efforts to bring about recognition and reconciliation between Indigenous and non-Indigenous players, and to make a broader contribution to inter-communal relations. The AFL’s primary diplomacy has focused on classical racism, dealing with instances of on-field abuse of players by other players and with spectator education about racism and Indigenous culture in Australia. Despite successes in these areas, the AFL has notably failed to acknowledge structural, institutionalised modes of discrimination and exclusion, with the result that the sport remains deeply influenced by colonial thought and discourse concerning Indigenous Australians. 相似文献
3.
In this article we comprehensively document aid volatility (short-term changes in aid flows) and aid fragmentation in the Pacific. We study two types of fragmentation: fragmentation across countries and fragmentation across projects. Our research draws on a new dataset compiled by the Lowy Institute. The dataset includes aid flows to the Pacific from non-traditional donors such as China. This allows us to undertake the first-ever study of Pacific aid volatility and fragmentation factoring in non-traditional donors. We contrast the Pacific with other regions, finding that while fragmentation across donors is less in the Pacific, project fragmentation is worse, as is aid volatility. We find fragmentation across donors is increasing in the Pacific. We find a similar trend for fragmentation across projects. We find no evidence that non-traditional donors such as China are driving these trends. However, we find some evidence that non-traditional donors give more volatile aid. 相似文献
4.
Craig A. Snyder 《Asian Politics & Policy》2015,7(3):379-393
In the 1980s and 1990s, Australian‐Malaysian relations reached a critical juncture due to a series of crises, such as the 1986 capital punishment of convicted drug smugglers Barlow and Chambers, and the 1993 “recalcitrant” jibe by Australian Prime Minister Paul Keating. Following the election of the Howard government in 1996, relations continued to be on a roller coaster with the Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad leading anti‐Australia protests over the “Howard Doctrine,” the Australian leadership of the 1999 intervention in East Timor, and the “Deputy Sheriff” controversy. Despite this, defense relations between the two remained strong. The success of this cooperation rests on shared political commitment to the security of the region. This article examines the impact that positive cooperation in “high politics” has had in mitigating the negative aspects of crises in “low politics.” It argues that close bilateral defense relations have worked to prevent the emergence of further critical junctures in 2012 following the collapse of the Australian‐Malaysian refugee swap deal and statements by Australian politicians about Malaysia's poor treatment of asylum seekers, and in 2013 over the overt support by many Australian politicians of the opposition, especially Anwar Ibrahim, during the Malaysian general elections. 相似文献
5.
While structural reform by means of municipal mergers has been employed in many different countries, council consolidation has been especially marked in Australian and Japanese local government. This suggests that much can be learned by examining amalgamation through the analytical prism of comparative analysis. In this article, we investigate structural reform through municipal amalgamation in Australian and Japanese local government by examining the aims of amalgamation, the methods employed by public policy makers and the outcomes which were achieved. From this comparative analysis, we attempt to draw some broader lessons for local government policy making aimed at local government reform. 相似文献
6.
John Hewson 《Asia & the Pacific Policy Studies》2014,1(3):590-599
Increasingly short‐term, opportunistic, adversarial politics has consistently constrained and compromised significant and genuine tax reform in Australia. This article reviews the various attempts at tax reform since Asprey in the mid‐1970s, assesses the existing tax system and attempts to set out the major essential ingredients of genuine tax reform in this country. Tax reform is seen as particularly urgent. 相似文献
7.
《Asia & the Pacific Policy Studies》2017,4(2):237-250
In this article, we use data from the 2013 and 2015 Australian Aid Stakeholder Surveys to gauge the extent of the changes to the Australian Government Aid Program since the 2013 federal election. The two surveys targeted the same set of stakeholders of the aid program, and both gathered data on a wide range of aspects of its functioning. As we assess the findings that emerged from the surveys, we situate our work amongst recent academic studies that have looked at the post‐2013 aid changes in Australia. Our key findings are that the post‐2013 changes to Australian aid have had wide‐ranging impacts and have led to deteriorating overall aid quality. However, changes have not affected all aspects of the aid program equally, and some changes are starting to be reversed. In discussion, we examine what these developments mean for the future of Australian aid. 相似文献
8.
The majority of today’s authoritarian regimes have little hope of promoting autocracy beyond their own borders, let alone to consolidated democratic countries. However, China and Singapore are two prominent examples of non-democratic countries whose soft power arsenals have given them some global appeal beyond that enjoyed by most authoritarian regimes. But to what extent has China’s and Singapore’s power of example influenced consolidated democracies in terms that the latter wanting to replicate some political practices or even norms in these non-democratic regimes? In this article, we engage recent works to examine this question in relation to how Australians perceive the political example offered by China and Singapore. Focusing our analysis on several prominent polls conducted recently by the Lowy Institute for International Policy, we suggest that at present there is little evidence of a causal impact of the rise of authoritarian powerhouses such as China and Singapore on how Australians view democracy at home. Through these case studies, this article sheds some light on the theoretical as well as practical questions about the inherent impediments of authoritarian diffusion in consolidated democracies. 相似文献
9.
Mehmet Akif Demircioglu 《国际公共行政管理杂志》2018,41(15):1302-1313
While governments have adopted employee empowerment practices around the world, they are also concerned with and wish to reduce barriers to innovation in the public sector. Using the 2012 Australian Public Service Commission (APSC)’s “the State of the Service data,” this article examines the association between four empowerment practices and perceived barriers to innovation. The results reveal that a unit increase in granting power to employees has a very large effect on reducing perceived barriers to innovation, suggesting for policy makers that granting power to employees is a crucial practice which can reduce perceived barriers to innovation. Additionally, while providing information is positively associated with perceived barriers to innovation, offering rewards and providing access to knowledge and skills are negatively associated with perceived barriers to innovation. This article discusses the implications of these results. 相似文献
10.
ABSTRACTThere is a large literature that seeks to evaluate municipal amalgamations ex post, but a relative dearth of scholarly inquiry into the practical political task of persuading the public to accept amalgamations ex ante. We address this important gap in the literature by conducting a rhetorical analysis to ascertain what types of arguments are believed to be efficacious for persuasion on amalgamation. We find evidence to suggest belief in the efficacy of persuading the public through recourse to various projected dreadful consequences, particularly amongst opponents of amalgamation. We conclude by considering some of the reasons behind the observed rhetorics and briefly outline one possible solution. 相似文献
11.
Levi Obijiofor Val Colic-Peisker Aparna Hebbani 《Journal of immigrant & refugee studies》2018,16(3):217-234
In this article we reflect on methodological and ethical challenges encountered while conducting two large, nationally funded studies on refugee resettlement in Australia. We focus on collaborative research partnerships, specifically with “industry partners,” wherein the partners may have different understandings of the research process and different agendas, and with bilingual research assistants. We analyze methodological challenges primarily pertaining to collecting good-quality data in cross-cultural contexts and ethical challenges concerned with ensuring confidentiality in recently arrived, tightly knit communities where community insiders assisted in accessing respondents and collecting data. 相似文献
12.
In July 2008, the local government sector in the Northern Territory of Australia underwent wide-sweeping reforms whereby 53 councils, most of which were located in remote Indigenous communities, were amalgamated into eight regional shires. The dominant justifications for these reforms focused on internal ‘deficit’ views about the community council sector, including lack of competent and ethical staff, managerial workforce instability, inefficient use of resources, and poor oversight as the primary causes of chronic underperformance and dysfunction. This paper identifies and discusses the under-scrutinised role of grants revenue dependency and volatility in the demise of remote small councils in the Northern Territory. We analyse financial data to demonstrate the extreme volatility in year-on-year grants funding. With their high dependency on grants revenue, such volatility and unpredictability resulted in councils being hamstrung in their ability to strategically plan and ensure stability in service delivery, infrastructure management and employment provision. We argue that these fiscal dynamics, fuelled by hierarchical intergovernmental relations, contributed significantly to dysfunction in the sector, as well as mutually reinforcing pre-existing structural and endogenous weaknesses. This argument runs against the common conceptualisation of the sector as requiring of externally imposed structural reform. We conclude by suggesting that there are factors additional to scale that need to be incorporated into analysis of the effects of amalgamation policies on remote councils. 相似文献
13.
Hou Minyue 《Asian Journal of Political Science》2013,21(3):344-362
The Tiananmen events of June 1989 shattered the dream of a special relationship between China and Australia, making human rights one of the major issues to be addressed in their bilateral relations. Though differences emerged, they still needed manageable and constructive linkages because both of them were fully aware that confrontation could damage their common interests in economic prosperity and regional peace and stability. Consequently, the engagement in human rights was the mutual demand and pursuit between Beijing and Canberra. By means of engagement, Canberra expected that with the growth of China's economy and reform this moderate approach would bring about to China better conditions for more progress in human rights, though it might be at a slow speed. In the process of China's post-Tiananmen evolutionary human rights diplomacy changes, Australia was one of the countries to be won over by China in facilitating its policy implementation. Admittedly, China's bilateral dialogue approach and technical cooperation with Australia and some other Western countries contributed to the successive failure of the American attempt to take multilateral actions to pass an anti-China resolution in the UN Human Rights Commission (replaced by the UN Human Rights Council in March 2006). Meanwhile, China had to take such steps as responding to concerns on rights issues raised by its dialogue partners and accepting and implementing UN human rights instruments to maintain the engagement approach. Resultantly, the process of China's engagement with Australia and other Western states in human rights is also a process of its learning how to deal with Western pressure constructively and how to improve human rights at home. 相似文献
14.
Aulden Warbrooke 《Asia & the Pacific Policy Studies》2014,1(2):337-348
In 2013, the Rudd Labor Government introduced a new version of the ‘Pacific Solution’ to Australia's ‘problem’ with increasing numbers of asylum‐seekers arriving by boat. The new version not only included the transfer of asylum‐seekers to Nauru and Manus Island in Papua New Guinea, it crucially involved the resettlement in these Pacific Island countries of those found to be refugees and introduces long‐term detention for those who are not successful and who do not decide to return to their original countries. Following the 2013 election, the Abbott Coalition Government fully embraced the new ‘Pacific Solution’. This deeper level of incorporation of Papua New Guinea and Nauru in Australia's asylum‐seeker policy raises a range of issues not only for these two Pacific Island countries but also for the broader Pacific islands region whose name is invoked in the ‘Pacific Solution’. 相似文献
15.
Contemporary Malaysia is an amalgamation of regions with distinct historical origins and features that provide the raw material for strong regional identities. The Malay‐Muslim nature of the nation‐building project led by the dominant United Malays Nasional Organisation (UMNO) has reified regional identities by sharpening the contrast between them and Malaysia’s political center. Yet while regional identities are often pronounced, Malaysian politics are highly centralized, and neither deep fragmentation along regional lines nor meaningful secessionist movements have materialized. That results from Malaysia’s institutional features and the primacy of highly essentialized, trans‐regional ethno‐religious identities. This article examines the process of regional and ethnic identity formation, which has occurred in an endogenous manner that draws from and reinforces the dominance of UMNO and its political heartland. It argues that the embrace of the ethno‐religious identities has enabled the primacy of Malay‐Muslim considerations in national political discourse and consequently crowded out particularistic regional demands. 相似文献
16.
17.
《Asian Politics & Policy》2017,9(2):202-221
South Korea undergoes frequent and large‐scale government reorganizations (GRs) that have generated social, administrative, and political problems; all of these have negative impacts on the quality of democracy by lowering people's satisfaction with their government. This article critically reviews past literature's major discussions on the quality of democracy and argues that well‐performing democratic governance that not only secures democratic principles but also develops governments’ ability to perform well is required for the enhancement of democratic quality. Drawing insight from the Centripetal Democratic Governance perspective, this article defines the core principles of this governance model as institutional consistency, authority, and inclusion, and analyzes key features of Korea's GR, focusing on the science and technology administration system. The research results show that the features not only align directly with the problems engendered by frequent GR but also go against the core principles of well‐performing democratic governance. Last, this article addresses the policy and theoretical implications of this finding. 相似文献
18.
Kathleen A. Fox 《Victims & Offenders》2017,12(1):43-70
Gang scholars have recently turned their attention to a unique and underdeveloped line of inquiry: the victimization of gang members. However, the gang-victimization link remains unclear, especially in terms of how gang men and women are violently victimized in different—or similar—ways. Using a sample of 2,345 adult jail inmates incarcerated in Florida (ages 18–84), this study explores the role of gender in terms of (1) the forms of violent crimes gang members experience more than nongang members, (2) who victimizes gang members, and (3) if gang members’ risky lifestyles explain victimization risk. Findings reveal more similarities than differences among gang men (n = 300) and women (n = 53). Gang men and women are generally victimized by the same violent crimes, and while the offenders who target gang members vary, there are no significant gender differences. Female gang members were significantly more likely to be sexually assaulted by members of their own gang and nonmembers (compared to members of rival gangs). The gang-victimization link remains significant for both men and women even after accounting for demographic characteristics, gang membership, and risky lifestyles—including violent offending. 相似文献
19.
《Journal of immigrant & refugee studies》2013,11(3-4):49-67
SUMMARY The most recent UNAIDS report (December 2003) estimates that approximately 5 million persons became infected with the HIV virus globally in 2003 alone, while 3 million persons died as a result of HIV/AIDS. What do these staggering numbers mean for the Caribbean population? Is the impact of HIV/AIDS the same among Caribbean immigrants in the United States as among the Caribbean population in the countries of origin? If so, what are the factors that promote the spread of HIV/AIDS among this population regardless of their geographic location? Finally, what can be done to reverse the growing infection rate that has made the Caribbean the second largest population to suffer from HIV/AIDS globally? In this paper the authors explore sociocultural, attitudinal and gender-specific factors that place the Caribbean population at risk of the ongoing spread of HIV/AIDS. The authors make recommendations for a community involvement response to the HIV/AIDS epidemic that targets the individual, family and community to address the problem of HIV/AIDS in the Caribbean population. A community involvement model with its potential to reduce the negative impact of socio-structural factors, and attitudes towards victims of HIV/AIDS is recommended as a meaningful response to HIV/AIDS among the Caribbean population. 相似文献
20.
Santosh Kumar Parida; 《Asian Politics & Policy》2024,59(6):2300314
In this communication, the synthesis and characterizations of modified strontium manganate (SrCu1/3Mn1/3W1/3O3) (SCMWO) by high-temperature solid-state method are reported. The structural analysis predicts a monoclinic structure with a crystallite size of 36.8 nm. The analysis of the Raman active modes reveals the presence of all the constituent atomic vibrations. The study of the ultraviolet–visible spectrum provides a bandgap energy of 1.71 eV, which may be suitable for photovoltaic applications. A Maxwell-Wanger type of polarization effect is observed at low frequency while low dielectric loss makes the material suitable for energy storage devices. The study of the impedance plots reveals the negative temperature coefficient of resistance (NTCR) character. The activation energy increases with both frequency and temperature in the modified perovskite suggesting that conductivity of the sample increases and material characters are changing from dielectric to semiconducting. The symmetrical curves in the electrical modulus plots and shift toward higher frequency region agree with the results of the non-Debye-type of relaxation mechanism. The semicircular curves in the Cole–Cole plots confirm the semiconducting nature and are also well supported by the results of Nyquist plots. The studied material exhibits a semiconductor nature, which may be found suitable for energy storage device applications. 相似文献