耗散结构理论对高校学生会转型与改革的启示

中国高校学生会组织作为高校青年学生群体的代表,一直以来起到了思想引领先锋和社会服务的作用。当前,中国高等教育改革渗透到高校各级系统组织变革当中,利用耗散结构理论理性分析目前高校学生会组织现状及缘由,探索未来高校学生会改革与转型的有利启示如下:高校学生会组织属性与耗散结构优点的契合意义;耗散结构理论下的组织及组织间关系的重新定位和思考;耗散结构与当前学生会结构和职能;耗散结构"涨落"与学生会成员的协同互助和民主监督制度。     

浅析高校学生会建设存在的问题及对策

随着我国经济和社会其他各项事业的不断发展,我国的高等教育已经从"精英化模式"向"大众化模式"转变,与精英教育阶段相比,大学生不再是"天之骄子",许多大学生在入学后出现了慵懒、困惑、迷茫,自我管理能力缺乏的现状。高校学生会在学生管理中扮演着重要作用,但是因为学生本身的不成熟及老师管理跟进不够等原因,产生一系列问题。本文就学生会在学生管理中的重要作用及产生的问题进行探讨,为如何加强学生会管理指明方向。     

高校学生会干部队伍培养方法研究

高校学生会是第二课堂活动的主体,学生会干部是组织的主要领导者和管理者,对学生会的发展起着重要作用。了解现今学生会干部的特点,做好学生会干部的选拔培养工作,是高校思想政治教育工作的重要组成部分,也是学生综合素质培养的要求。     

“系统法学”理论范式体系的空间构建

作为一种要素复杂的、结构多样、体系严密的社会现象，法律本身具有高度的系统性特征。同时，法律作为一种系统体系，其自身复杂性决定仅仅通过研究静态的法律规范来理解法律系统，将无法深刻把握内在的复杂运行规律。作为一种系统体系，法律秩序规制外部秩序法律系统的产生和分析框架本身是作为研究法律现象的工具和方法。而系统要素本身是从现实社会关系中提炼而来，不能脱离社会实践本身实质内容而抽象谈论概念的运行特点，必须紧密关注概念与所调整社会对象之间的相互关系。正是基于系统性分析原理和分析框架，以及系统法学所具有的独特分析手段和解释能力，实现了系统法理学研究范式从纯粹哲学视域向系统解释学和分析模式的重大转变。     

略谈高校法援机构公共法律服务职能的完善

近年来,高校法律援助机构立足其法律院系学生的专业功底,对外提供法律援助,发展态势良好,但在其对外提供法律服务的过程中,暴露出其机制不健全、学生志愿者能力不足等一系列问题。结合国内一些高校法律援助机构与"海南大学"法律诊所近年来的发展情况,分析了制约当前高校法律援助机构进一步发挥其公共法律服务职能的瓶颈,并试提出解决方案。     

法治视野的高校内部规章及其效力

高等学校内部规章的制定应纳入法治轨道。高等学校内部规章制定的权利基础包括:伦理基础在于学术自由和高校自治,组织基础是高校的独立法人资格,实证法基础是高等教育法第41条。高等学校内部规章的生效要件包括:必须在权限范围内进行,必须不违反法律的强制性规定,必须具有合理性,涉及教师权益的部分必须经过教职工代表大会等通过,必须符合规范制定的一般规则等。高等学校内部规章的法律效力包括:对于教职员工具有法律上的约束力,对受教育者具有法律的约束力,不约束高校之外的第三人等。     

论人力资源管理理论在高校学生会中的应用

高校学生会作为校园文化建设的主力军,历来是青年学生成长成才的舞台。新的历史时期对学生会提出了新的挑战,要求学生会以更科学的组织架构、更高效的组织效率应对挑战和质疑。运用人力资源管理规划、招聘、培训激励等理论分析高校学生会工作,以期创新和完善高校学生管理,纯净组织文化,提升组织效率。     

谈自主学习能力的培养与创新——以民办高校艺术设计专业学生为例

目前高校艺术类学生普遍自主学习能力都很差,在自主学习的培养方面具有很大的差距,存在很多问题,比如学生会不会学习,不能自主地学习,这些都体现了学生的综合素质能力。通过具体教学实践总结出,要想提高艺术类学生的课堂接受效率、培养学生自主学习能力与创新能力,首先要针对传统的教学方法、授课模式等进行调整,其次调动学生的自主学习兴趣,才能促进教育教学的改革,使学生综合素质有所提高。     

养成教育视角下青少年法律信仰的生成

法律信仰是实现真正法治社会的精神条件，是现代法律有效运行的心理基础．青少年是祖国的未来和希望，青少年法律信仰对整个法治来说更具有基础性、发展性、未来性：同时．法律信仰对青少年的全面发展也具有重要意义。而养成教育对青少年法律信仰具有特殊的借鉴作用和价值。青少年法律信仰养成教育的途径应在实践中有所侧重。     

高校党组织要加强对大学生就业指导

大学生就业指导工作是高校在国家有关法律和政策的指导下，旨在为提升大学生的综合能力，为其顺利就业以及将来的职业发展而提供帮助的多项服务。近年来，随着大学生就业压力的增大，高校党组织应如何加强学生就业指导工作，从而提高学生的就业竞争力，已成为高校发展和深化教育体制改革的重要课题。     

Tony Blair's 'Media' Speech: The Commentators

Tony Blair's speech challenged the media over its standards in his valedictory lecture. Many of his charges about the absence of balance, attacks on motive and a pack mentality stand up, even if some are exaggerated and also applied well before his arrival in 10 Downing Street. Mr Blair's solutions did ot match his critique. What is required is a more self‐questioning media, being held to account on the internet and on specialist blogging sites. Vigorous criticism, requiring justification, is a more credible rout than tighter regulation. Tony Blair's speech on the changing pressures on the media is both interesting and convincing in its diagnosis (although generally reported in ways that did not reveal this). It is less convincing in suggestions for change: the fact that on‐line media will fall under Of‐com, and so under its minimal ‘content regulation’ will have little impact. Effective change could begin with other types of (self or other regulation). Some steps towards change might include minimal requirements for journalists and editors to accept elementary forms of accountability, such as disclosing conflicts of interest and payments made for ‘stories’. The scale of media coverage may be crucial in determining the allocation of aid, yet the attention the media pays to particular causes is arbitrary. Many serious disasters are not reported and as a consequence do not receive adequate aid, so that the victims of the crisis will lose out. Chronic long term problems, like famine, are ignored in favour of ‘sudden emergencies’. Reporting seeks sensation and simple stories which influences the way that aid agencies respond to the media. The complex background to a faraway disaster is often overlooked and not properly reported. Tony Blair's speech describing some of the news media as ‘feral beasts’ contained one paragraph which contained an insight into his views on new media. It was known that the outgoing Prime Minister was uncomfortable with some aspects of new technology but his remarks reveal a wider disappointment with how new media has failed to deliver changes which he had hoped for in political communications.This paper records Mr Blair's problems with new media and argues that by focusing on how the new technologies might provide a better way for politicians to by‐pass the traditional media he has missed the point of their wider benefits.     

The Strange Career of British Democracy: John Milton to Gordon Brown

Political debate in modern Britain has been structured by four narratives or traditions, called here ‘Whig imperialist’, ‘Tory nationalist’, ‘democratic collectivist’ and ‘democratic republican’. The Whig imperialist tradition goes back to Edmund Burke; it is a tradition of responsive evolution, flexible statecraft, genial optimism and abhorrence of dogmatic absolutes. It prevailed for most of the nineteenth century, for most of the interwar period and for most of the 1950s and early‐1960s. Its Tory nationalist counterpart is tense, rebarbative and often shrill. At its core lies a primal fear of the dissolution of authority and a collapse of the social order. Its most notable exponents include Lord Salisbury, Enoch Powell and Margaret Thatcher. The democratic collectivist tradition stresses ineluctable progress towards a just and rational society, to be achieved by a strong, essentially technocratic central state, with the power and will to replace the wasteful, unjust chaos of the market place by planned co‐ordination. Formative influences on it were the great Fabian socialists, George Bernard Shaw and Sidney and Beatrice Webb; it achieved its apotheosis under the Attlee Government of 1945‐51. The democratic republican tradition is much more inchoate: its exponents have been the awkward squad of British democracy. The most glittering stars in the democratic republican firmament were probably John Milton, John Stuart Mill and R.H. Tawney. It stresses active self‐government and republican self respect, embodied in a vigorous civil society and strong local authorities. During the ninety‐odd years since Britain belatedly acquired a more‐or‐less democratic suffrage, the first three traditions have all been tested, almost to destruction. But though the fourth has had great influence on social movements of all kinds, governments at the centre have done little more than toy with it, usually for brief periods. The great question now is whether Britain is about to experience a democratic republican moment.     

Trustworthiness: the Commentators

Mark Thompson deplores the decline in the public trust of government and of public service institutions such as the BBC. But there has also been a decline in another form of trust: government's trust in the ability of professionals such as doctors and teachers to deliver high quality public services. And, unlike Thompson's type of trust, this decline was inevitable, because it was based on untenable assumptions concerning professional motivation. The author discusses the importance of trust in an unwritten constitution, including trust in the use made of public resources, trust that appointments are being made on merit, trust that the civil service is ‘speaking truth unto power’ behind the scenes and ultimately trust that it retains the ability to serve future governments. In a world where trust in institutions is diminishing, there are still surprising levels of trust in the world of private philanthropy. The public are only too ready to give donations without seeking to question, especially in the wake of major disasters. Yet the nature of aid agencies has changed dramatically in the past thirty years into major global enterprises with sophisticated media and marketing operations. In this case a greater degree of scepticism from those who donate and paradoxically less trust might actually result in better outcomes from aid and better use of funding. Trust is critical to the mission of the FCO. The public needs to trust the competence and sound judgment of the professional diplomats. The diplomats themselves need to be able to rely on the commonsense of their fellow colleagues. Ministers and diplomats need to trust each other. And other governments need to have confidence in the discretion of their British counterparts. This is an increasing challenge in the world of instant news. Trust can be quickly lost by indiscreet or self‐serving revelations. But the key is to be as open and transparent as possible about the processes of diplomacy. A new survey commissioned by the British Journalism Review demonstrates that public confidence in journalism has collapsed over the last five years. This is particularly true for the commercial broadcasters ITV and Channel 4, whose journalism has traditionally commanded as much public esteem as the BBC. Trust in the BBC and print journalists has also declined, and journalism suffered more than any of the other 16 occupational groups being assessed. This is partly due to the cumulative effect of various “fakery” scandals that have afflicted broadcasters over the last 18 months and partly down to a more widespread cynicism directed at those in authority.     

The Language of Race

The 1991 Census form for households in Great Britain included, for the first time, a question about ethnic group. The question had nine boxes, eight for named ethnic groups and one for 'any other'. One box had to be ticked for each member of the household. Brian Klug discusses his own reaction to the (so-called) ethnic question, and explains why, as a Jew of European extraction, he did not tick the box marked White. He examines several issues raised by the ethnic question, including the following: why this question is different from other questions on the form; the definition and use of the words 'racial' and 'ethnic'; the vocabulary of colour ('black', 'white' etc.) in the language of race; the idea that 'white' is an ethnic category; the claim that the ethnic question is an instrument for combatting racism; one proposal for improving the question by removing the 'racial' components in the categories.     

Guest editor's introduction

In 1933 the army of the nascent Iraqi state launched an exterminatory attack on members of the Assyrian community who had fled to Iraq during the First World War. 'The Assyrian affair' which at the time sent shock-waves around the world has now been largely forgotten. But an examination of its origins and causation reveals much about the nature and pattern of modern genocide. Levene argues that typecasting genocide as the outcome of prejudice, racism or even xenophobia, while these may be significant ingredients, proves to be insufficient as a comprehensive explanation. Rather, these factors need to be analysed within the context of an emerging international system of nation-states. This itself may be a factor in helping to catalyse the most extreme and radically ideological responses, especially from new and untried national elites seeking to overcome perceived obstacles to their state's development and genuine independence.     

On Public Action

Abstract

This essay explores Hannah Arendt’s contribution to our understanding of the rhetorical as opposed to the aesthetic quality of public speech, with an emphasis upon her conception of opinion and glory. Arendt’s focus on the revelatory quality of public action in speech is widely understood to preclude or seriously limit its communicative aspect. I argue that this is a misunderstanding, and that accepting it would reduce speech not merely to the discussion of a sharply limited set of topics, but to no topics at all. Public action is speech that reveals the speaker as “answering, talking back and measuring up to whatever happened or was done.” Such revelatory speech is most appropriately judged by the standard of the glorious and the inglorious. Because such speech must inform as well as reveals, so does glorious or great speech rise to the level of greatness in part because of what is said, to whom, where, and how. Arendt’s understanding of this is shown to have significant parallels to the ordinary language philosophy of Stanley Cavell.     

道德规范表现形式的历史演进

道德规范的产生和形成,有着深刻的社会经济根源,是由一定的社会物质生活条件和社会关系决定的。道德规范随着社会的发展而不断发展,具有历史性和继承性。在人类漫长的道德生活中,道德规范曾有过形态各异的表现形式,大体可以概括为图腾、禁忌、礼仪、风俗、箴言、准则、义务、责任等几种主要的表现形武。道德规范表现形式的历史演进,是一个由蒙昧到理性、由自发到自觉、由低级到高级的发展过程。     

Beyond the ‘Auschwitz syndrome’: Holocaust historiography after the Cold War

ABSTRACT

The end of the Cold war has seen an explosion in Holocaust history, and some significant changes in the main historiographical explanations. The ‘return of ideology’ that began displacing the ‘functionalist’ or ‘structuralist’ dominance of the 1980s remains strong. But it is being supplemented by very detailed regional and local studies, by analyses of different experiences of ghettoization in different places, and by a focus on the widespread plunder and corruption that accompanied the killing process. This enormous attention to detail reveals that the Holocaust unfolded differently in different places; but it also demonstrates the existence of an overall framework in which all the operations took place, what we might call an ‘antisemitic consensus’. Simultaneously, historians have broadened the discussion of the Holocaust, situating it into a transnational or world-historical context of imperialism and colonialism. Stone outlines in broad brush some of these themes, and asks what effects they have had and will continue to have on Europeans' self-understanding in an age in which the post-war anti-fascist consensus has been dismantled while Holocaust-consciousness is officially enshrined into European identity.     

'Shovelling out your paupers': The British State and Irish Famine Migration 1846-50

Gray considers the determinants of British policy towards emigration (and particularly towards state-assisted 'colonization') from Ireland during the Great Famine of 184-50. He surveys the idea of 'colonization' as advocated by Charles Buller in 1843, and its varying appeal (changing over time) in Ireland, Britain and the settlement colonies of the British empire. He also considers the issue in the light of pro- and anti-Malthusian interpretations of Irish population pressure, and the emergence of the alternative idea of 'internal colonization'. Gray argues that the failure of the state to adopt an emigration policy in 1846-50 as part of its response to the Famine was the consequence of a combination of anti-Irish prejudice in Britain and the colonies (which was sharpened by the arrival of large numbers of economic refugees in 1847 and the political conspiracies of 1848), and the prevalence of an economic doctrine that prioritized the need for Irish self-help and moral transformation over state assistance. He traces the debate over colonization within the Whig government headed by Lord John Russell, and concludes that some form of assisted emigration was a feasible policy measure, and that its rejection had adverse consequences in terms of additional famine mortality.