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1.
70年代中期以后,时代的主题由战争与革命转换为和平与发展,苏联模式的社会主义由于未适应时代转换的要求,因而失去了往日的光辉.邓小平在历史发展的关键时期,解决了关系到社会主义前途和命运的世纪难题,因而也就为社会主义的发展开辟了一条新路.  相似文献   

2.
帝国主义与“全球化” 帝国主义从霍布森时代的帝国主义变成了“二战”的帝国主义。在20世纪60年代晚期和70年代,第三次变迁发生了。 随着德日的快速崛起,西方国家之间的经济平衡发生了变化。20世纪60年代初期,日本的制造业出口只有美国的1/3。到70年代末,与美国持平。美国以军事支出维系了世界经济并为此付出了一定的代价。德、日两国不  相似文献   

3.
江泽民同志在"七一"讲话中,阐明了中国共产党对时代潮流的新认识.认清时代潮流,有助于把握时代的本质特征.20世纪70年代初,中国共产党曾将"国家要独立,民族要解放,人民要革命"概括为历史潮流.70年代以后,兴起了新的时代潮流,江泽民同志将其概括为:"世界要和平,人民要合作,国家要发展,社会要进步."这不仅对于国家制定对内对外政策具有重大意义,而且有利于人们加深对时代主题的理解和正确判断世界大事中的是非.  相似文献   

4.
迄今为止,中国学术界围绕"大国崛起"这一主题分别在20世纪80年代末90年代初、20世纪90年代初中期和2006年后进行过三次较为集中的讨论.实际上,当今时代中国的复兴和快速发展已经成为举世瞩目的事实,如何看待历史上主要大国的兴衰历程,如何吸取新兴大国崛起的经验和教训并从中得到有益的借鉴,已成为中国当前十分重大的战略问题.  相似文献   

5.
在20世纪后半期,特别是80年代后,国际形势发生很大变化.社会主义取代资本主义的历史总趋势没有改变,即"时代的本质"没有改变,但"时代的主题"已由"战争与革命"转换成"和平与发展".在时代主题转换了的历史条件下,世界社会主义发展战略已由强调"统一性"和"国际联合",转变到强调"民族特色"和"独立自主".传统的发展战略,实际上是以"一条道路、一种模式、一个中心、一个阶段"为特征的发展战略.邓小平在新的历史条件下调整了我们党的对外战略,顺应并推动了国际共运中"独立自主"潮流的发展,从而使传统的世界社会主义发展战略,发生了历史性转变.这一战略转变,既是国际共运历史经验的科学总结,也是新形势"逼迫"的历史必然,是马克思主义与时俱进的理论品质的具体体现.  相似文献   

6.
本书以日本为案例,阐述了能源安全与科技发展的关系.二战前和战争期间日本能源安全经历了以能源生产安全、能源来源安全、能源运输安全为主要矛盾的时期.在漫长的战后时代,日本能源安全经历了战后初期的困难期;20世纪60年代至70年代初的石油供应黄金期;1973年和1979年的两次石油危机;20世纪八九十年代至21世纪初的能源安全稳定期等.  相似文献   

7.
孟加拉国毛派运动的发展分为三个阶段:第一阶段是20世纪60-70年代发展壮大时期,第二阶段是20世纪70年代中期到20世纪末不断分化、持续衰弱时期,第三阶段是世纪之交至今逐渐恢复时期。为实现自身斗争目标,孟加拉国毛派秉持的理念主要有:马列毛主义是先进和科学的,帝国主义终会腐朽灭亡,孟加拉国仍是半殖民地半封建社会,孟加拉国革命分为新民主主义革命和社会主义革命,马列毛主义要与孟加拉国国情相结合。虽然给政府造成了很大压力,但孟加拉国毛派运动也面临很多挑战,如国际反恐形势对其不利、政府的持续镇压和清剿以及派系众多不能形成合力等。这些挑战使孟加拉国毛派运动在短期内难以取得较大实效。  相似文献   

8.
从20世纪70年代末开始,伴随着世界经济全球化、世界范围内政治经济制度的多元化以及和平与发展成为世界系统的支配因素,中国对外战略逐步实现了从"三个世界"到"一个世界"、从"敌友外交"到"伙伴外交"、从"意识形态外交"到"经济外交"、从"低层次对外开放"到"全方位对外开放"、从"和平共处"到"和谐共处"的适应性转变。中国对外战略的转变是中国与世界在三十年互动中完成的,是世界系统的支配因素作用与中国自觉选择的结果,它体现了和平、合作、共同发展的理念,实现了中国国家利益、国家发展目标和国际行为与世界的和平与发展两者间的协同,推动着中国和世界沿着繁荣稳定的方向前进。  相似文献   

9.
在战争与革命时代主题下,中国外交既取得一定成果,同时也有一些失误和教训,给国内建设带来了或积极或消极的影响.在和平与发展时代主题下,中国把工作重点转移到经济建设上来,并对外交政策进行调整和充实.在其指导下,中国开展了卓有成效的外交活动,不断结出丰硕成果,有利地促进了国内经济建设的发展.这给人以经验和启示.  相似文献   

10.
与其他转型经济及绝大多数发展中经济相比,中国自20世纪70年代末以来强劲的经济增长和社会的相对稳定格外引人注目.  相似文献   

11.
Abstract

Susan Buck-Morss’s argument that the Haitian Revolution embodied the most universal aspect of the French Revolution, namely the quest for universal freedom, relies on the supposed references to Haiti in the master–slave dialogue in Hegel’s Phenomenology of Spirit. The revolution’s lodgement at the core of this foundational text of Enlightenment universalism is, for her, about as convincing a demonstration as one can have of the universal significance of the Haitian Revolution. Marxists have opposed her venture, and demonstrated their hostility to post-colonial thinking, principally by claiming that the master–slave is an expression of European class conflict. This paper agrees with Buck-Morss that the Haitian Revolution critically affirmed the principle of universal freedom and, indeed, pushed the revolution in France and Europe in a radical direction. A better affirmation of the universal significance of the Haitian Revolution than the thoughts of Hegel is possible. The latter do not actually provide such affirmation, because racism, Eurocentrism and a hostility to political radicalism are fundamental aspects of Hegel’s thought. The alternative affirmation can be found in Marxist analysis. This paper outlines such an analysis, and concludes that post-colonialism of Buck-Morss’s sort is no substitute for the perspective provided by historical materialism.  相似文献   

12.
ABSTRACT

After briefly presenting the main characteristics of the Coptic diaspora in the United States and of its attempts at gaining political clout since the 1990s, the article examines the impact of the election of President Obama and of the 2011 Egyptian revolution on the rhetoric and strategy of the main Coptic organizations in the United States. I also examine the changing relation between Copts in Egypt and Copts in the United States.  相似文献   

13.
The quick unraveling of authoritarian systems specifically designed to bear social pressure during revolutions is puzzling. Building on the 2011 Tunisian revolution, this article analyzes the collapse of the police apparatus during the 2011 revolution. In line with Way and Levitsky's study of authoritarian collapse, this article shows that the low cohesion and low scope of the security forces is one of the main factors explaining the rapid collapse of one of the Arab world's seemingly most solid repressive systems. At the theoretical level, this article will demonstrate that preference falsification is a double-edged sword. On the one hand, it can nourish authoritarian resilience. On the other, it can also weaken repressive regimes by making core members of the regime overestimate the loyalty of the low-ranking members of the security apparatus.  相似文献   

14.
Based upon this researcher's prior work and the conceptual denouement from geocultural immobility to religious terrorism, the author speculates that the reverse may be achieved and a zealot's motivation for religious terrorism might be purged once his or her basic Moslovian needs are fulfilled. Thus, this article attempts to empirically assess in some elements of Hizbullah, the effect of newly found wealth, money, and family exigencies on the Lebanese Shi'a's religious zealotry, his or her perceived religious commitments, and their acts of terrorism. This research concluded that Hizbullah in Lebanon, an organization originally established as a religious network with narrowly defined politico-socioeconomic goals, has eroded. Many of its individual cells now serve primarily their own self-interest instead of their perception of God's will. These cells are defying Hizbullah's main leadership wishes and committing criminal actions designed to serve cell or family interests. Its sophisticated network is already being used to transport and harbor criminals across the Mid-East and Europe. This research stress that the well-established Hizbullah cell organizations that protect each and every element and coordinate with other terrorist organizations are ripe to be exploited for international criminal activities. More importantly, this research attempts to explain and delineate the process by which nations may manage, control, reform, or even eliminate such international affliction.  相似文献   

15.
《Communist and Post》2014,47(1):93-103
This article uses a mixed-methods approach to analyze the relationship between television and protest during East Germany's revolution. The content of television newscasts, both West German and East German, is analyzed together with protest event data. There are two key findings. First, West German coverage of protests is associated with an increase in protest in the first phase of the revolution. This finding emerges from time series analysis. Second, West German and East German television coverage were interacting, with the latter reacting to the former. This finding emerges from both quantitative and qualitative analysis.  相似文献   

16.
We take the opportunity presented by the fiftieth anniversary of the death of Che Guevara to reexamine his life and revolutionary program and the legacy he left behind. Attention is given to the formative influences that led to his introduction to Fidel Castro and his involvement in the Cuban revolution. We take a close look at the stylized theory of revolution that emerged from this experience, his reflective writings on the subject, and his subsequent attempts to generalize and apply his revolutionary model in the Congo and Bolivia. This model is critically interpreted and evaluated through the lense of his eleven month Bolivian campaign. We conclude by examining the ‘paradox’ of Che Guevara. He was a failed guerrilla who remains an iconic symbol of the revolutionary Left. He was an authentic true believer who dreamed that it might be possible to one day forge a utopian society of ‘new men’ and yet, fifty years after his death, his revolutionary project is farther away from being realized than ever. His heroic image, in the meantime, has evolved to become one of the most successful capitalist brands in history.  相似文献   

17.
Observing the religious movement that has developed around two young visionaries who claim to be in communication with the Virgin Mary, the author analyzes the political meaning of the messages they claim to receive from her. His interpretation is based on interviews with the visionaries’ followers but above all on the life story narrated by the main visionary, here reproduced in its entirety. He uses this material to show how, with the change from Mobutu’s declining power to Kabila’s new power, the attitudes of Kinshasa’s population evolved.  相似文献   

18.
This article investigates a part of the “story of the story” of the 1924 revolution, the first popular anticolonial uprising in Sudan to be framed by a nationalist ideology. Considering that the process that turns a past event into history is neither linear nor predictable, I draw on Trouillot's “catalogue of silences” to compare two sets of sources that correspond to two moments in the making of 1924 as history: first, the judicial records produced by the Sudan government during 1924, and second the Ewart Report, written in 1925, to “seal” the revolution. A comparison of these two sources reveals radical discrepancies in the narrative, as well as the silences imposed on and well-concealed fine-tunings of the various voices of the revolution. Of these two sets of sources, it is the Ewart Report that provides the most influential interpretation of the 1924 revolution.  相似文献   

19.
《Communist and Post》2006,39(3):305-329
What impact have Eurasia's 2003–2005 “colored revolutions” had on the state of democracy and autocracy in the region? The logic of patronal presidentialism, a set of institutions common to post-Soviet countries, suggests that the revolutions are at root succession struggles more than democratic breakthroughs generated by civic activists and foreign democratizing activity. This helps explain why Georgia is experiencing a new retreat from ideal-type democracy while only Ukraine, whose revolution weakened the patronal presidency, has sustained high political contestation after its revolution. This means that autocratic leaders clamping down on non-governmental organizations, free media, and their foreign supporters may have learned the wrong lessons, perhaps making their countries more susceptible to violent revolution than they were before.  相似文献   

20.
Many decades have passed since the first appearance of Max Weber's seminal study, in Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft , of the origins and characteristics of bureaucracy. His analysis was, naturally, dependent on the existing knowledge of his day; but the growth and maturity of archaeology and anthropology as academic disciplines have shed much new light on the historical and social contexts in which bureaucratic organizations emerged. This article, using Sumerian civilization as a case in point, summarizes much of what we now know about the conditions under which bureaucracy first originated and flourished. In so doing, it identifies several major human developmental and social transformations—the hominid revolution, the agrarian revolution, and the urban revolution—which played vital roles in the evolution and expansion of the bureaucratic form of organization.  相似文献   

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