气候变化全球治理的制度竞争——基于欧盟、美国、中国的比较

国际制度竞争根源于国内制度实践,中美欧是气候变化全球治理的主要谈判方,三者关于气候变化全球治理的制度倡议都源于其内部减排制度的实践。欧盟内部形成了总量控制与排放贸易的减排制度,美国国内形成了基于自由市场哲学的地方排放交易制度,中国国内形成了"国家—发展型"减排制度。三种制度的形成都受到各自政治、经济和文化传统的深刻影响。这种制度差异传导至气候外交领域,使欧盟侧重于建立全球总量控制和约束性减排机制;美国倾向于建立完全基于市场竞争的减排制度;中国则主张以"共同但有区别的责任"原则建立多元共生的减排体系,且不挤压发展中国家的发展空间。这些政策差异成为三方关于气候变化全球治理制度竞争的基础,而制度竞争也反映在气候变化全球治理制度的发展过程中。从理论上看,三方围绕气候变化全球治理的制度竞争体现了国内制度与国际制度的密切关系。由此说明,在研究中将比较政治与全球治理相结合具有合理性。     

欧盟气候变化政策的演变

欧盟的气候变化政策起源于欧洲环境保护运动,其形成经历了一个循序渐进、不断深化的过程。欧洲环境运动的发展为欧盟气候变化政策的形成提供了早期基础;围绕着《京都议定书》的谈判和履行议定书中欧盟提出的各项承诺,该政策正式形成。在后京都时代,欧盟又提出了气候变化扩展政策,该政策成为欧盟参与国际气候变化谈判的主要依据与基础。哥本哈根会议后,欧盟出台了“后哥本哈根国际气候政策：行动起来重振全球气候变化谈判”的政策文件,明确了欧盟后哥本哈根气候变化谈判战略。     

联合国气候变化大会

2007年12月3日，《联合国气候变化框架公约》缔约方第十三次会议（联合国气候变化大会）在印度尼西亚巴厘岛开幕。由于《京都议定书》第一承诺期将于2012年到期，之后如何安排全球继续进行温室气体减排成为本次大会的焦点。经过激烈争执与讨论，12月15日与会各方通过了“巴厘岛路线图”，主要内容包括：大幅度减少全球温室气体排放量，     

非洲国家应对气候变化政策分析

非洲国家在参与气候变化国际谈判的同时,也制定了相应的国内措施以应对气候变化,后者可分为"专门政策型"和"相关政策型"两种类型。但是,目前制定应对气候变化专门性国家政策的非洲国家较少,多数非洲国家应对气候变化主要是通过发布较为宽泛的纲领性、宣示性政策文件,辅之以在其他相关国家政策中体现气候变化的内容。从比较的视角来看,非洲国家在气候变化立法及政策上较为落后,需要加以完善和提高,同时,也不可忽视其中存在的利益博弈和"气候陷阱"问题。     

中国与国际气候变化谈判

1990年启动的国际气候变化谈判是公认的冷战结束后最重要的多边外交谈判之一。由于中国对全球气候变化的影响日益突出,国际社会对中国在国际气候变化谈判中的政策和立场越来越关注。在涉及中国与国际气候变化谈判的所有议题中,核心的问题之一是中国什么时候会开始量化减排温室气体?中国政府的官方立场是在20世纪中叶中国成为中等发达国家之前,不可能承担减排温室气体的义务。对此,西方国家一直不愿接受,并对中国频频施压。国内学术界也存在不同看法。本文认为,只有了解中国国际气候变化谈判立场的形成机制,才能对这一问题做出比较合理的判断。为此,本文运用历史分析的方法,探讨了决定中国国际气候变化谈判立场的基本因素,指出中国何时参与量化减排义务取决于减缓成本、生态脆弱性和公平原则三个变量的变化,并据此对中国减排温室气体的时间和方式进行了展望,强调在一定条件下,中国的减排进程可能加速。     

推动构建和谐共赢的全球气候变化治理体制

全球气候变化问题是综合性问题,与能源、环境、人口、技术、观念和经济发展均有关。由于全球气候变化问题自身的复杂性,及其对人类健康和安全、经济与社会发展、世界经济与政治秩序以及自然生态系统的影响不断加剧,气候变化已经成为政治和外交领域讨论的热点和焦点问题。全球气候谈判主要围绕发达国家减排,帮助发展中国家解决生态脆弱性和南北发展鸿沟等问题展开,《联合国气候变化框架公约》及相关的规则和     

国际政治博弈中的气候变化问题

近日在德国举行的八国首脑峰会上,环境保护和气候变化成为中心议题之一,西方国家将气候变化问题政治化趋势明显,气候变化开始成为多边外交和国际政治博弈中的一张王牌。多年来,控制气候变化和温室气体排放是欧盟国家内政外交的一面大旗,各种减排计划和法规在国家政策文件和战略报告中频频闪现。今年3月,欧盟首脑会议通过了《欧盟关于2012年后国际气候制度目标》文件,     

中国应对气候变化战略与外交政策之关系研究

20世纪末期以来,全球气候变化成为当今国际社会热议的话题之一,气候外交也成为全球外交领域的热点。在应对气候变化的外交实践中,中国逐渐摸索出了适合自身发展需要的气候变化战略及与之相应的外交政策。当前可从以下几方面统筹我国气候变化战略和外交战略:加强顶层设计,职能统筹,协调相关各部门应对气候变化政策与外交政策;及早制定并实施科学的"减缓战略"和"适应战略";利用发达国家的危机,灵活应对,争取气候谈判中的主动地位和话语权;加强与周边国家和发展中国家的外交努力;充分认识和发挥国际非政府组织的作用,加强关于气候问题的公共外交和舆论引导,全面介绍中国在应对气候变化领域的政策与进展。     

“气候行动之年”和美国气候变化政策发展

<正>出于国内能源结构变化、全球治理进程压力和自身环境安全的需要,奥巴马在第二个总统任期的气候政策和战略继续延续其第一个任期"绿色新政"以来的核心理念,即承认全球变暖,并承诺积极应对。与第一任期相比,奥巴马当前的气候政策思路更加清晰、团队更加强大、执行更加坚决。2013年6月,奥巴马政府发布了美国历史上首份国家层面的     

《气候变化法》与英国能源气候政策演变

哥本哈根会议表明,国际气候政治斗争最终落脚于国际政治经济新制度的建构,这启示我们深入研究西方发达国家关于气候制度的安排。英国是世界上积极应对气候变化的倡导者和先行者,2009又实施了《气候变化法》,成为世界第一个以立法手段单方面为国内二氧化碳的排放量设下限额的国家。本文立足该法,从整体上研究了英国能源气候政策的演变轨迹,对于其向低碳经济转型的路径和做法进行分析;本文认为,借鉴其有利于我国实施科学发展的部分,可以为我国实施能源气候战略决策,走低碳发展道路提供参考。     

The European Union's role in networks on removal of fossil fuel subsidies and disclosure of climate change information

This article deals with newly emerging international collaborative initiatives around two issues connected to climate change: removal of fossil fuel subsidies and improving climate information disclosure practices in the business sector. While networked initiatives on the gradual removal of fossil fuel subsidies and a multi-actor network on disclosure of climate change information do not explicitly mobilize collective actions around climate change, they supplement and reinforce a wide array of other transnational initiatives and partnerships around climate change mitigation efforts. Analysed networks equip transnational policy processes around the climate change issue, initially formed by the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change's member states, with new policy tools to mitigate human-induced climate change and hugely expand the membership of policy-making at the international level. Newly emerging transnational networks in the area of fossil fuel subsidies removal and improving climate change information disclosure practices in the corporate world also strive for harmonization of policy methods and instruments across international boundaries. The experience of the European Union (EU) in promoting climate change actions among its member states and in sustaining collaboration with private actors can serve as an exemplary and learning tool for transnational policy networks across continents. And the size of the EU's market together with its governance structure provides it with a common legitimate voice at the international arena for climate change decision-making.     

NEW GOVERNANCE ARRANGEMENTS AT THE INTERSECTION OF CLIMATE CHANGE AND FOREST POLICY: INSTITUTIONAL,POLITICAL AND REGULATORY DIMENSIONS

This article investigates emerging governance arrangements at the intersection between forest management and climate policy. The authors deploy the symposium's three‐dimensional framework to describe and evaluate developments within two distinct policy sectors (forestry/climate change adaptation and mitigation) at several levels of governance (bi‐national, national, and sub‐national) to explore the nature and operation of the emerging governance arrangements, and assessing and measuring change within these arrangements over time. Drawing on four contemporary case studies from the US and Canada, New Zealand, British Columbia and Alaska, the authors discern little evidence of a generalized, linear trend from ‘government to governance’. Instead, they conclude, across institutional, political and regulatory dimensions of governance, a more variegated and diverse picture emerges. Their analysis also lends support for the Trubek and Trubek (2007) hypothesis that emerging governance arrangements typically interact with extant ones through modalities of rivalry, complementarity and transformation.     

A New Posture of International Arms Control and Disarmament

About one year on,international arms control and disarmament appeared to be rebounding to become an issue of great international attention,paralleling the issues of financial crisis and climate change.International nuclear disarmament re-dawned with high profile readjustments by the United States in its nuclear arms control policy and tactics.The US and Russia signed a new agreement of bilateral nuclear disarmament.Multilateral nuclear arms control has also softened,and the nuclear security issue loomed large.The Conference on the Review of Nuclear Non-proliferation was held,the main illustration of the adjustment by the US to its arms control policy and tactics.On balance,however,the US arms control and disarmament policies remain largely rhetorical,as its two strategic objectives of nuclear weapon policy--nuclear deterrence and non-proliferation--has been kept intact,and even intensified.     

Multilevel reinforcing dynamics: Global climate governance and European renewable energy policy

This article breaks new ground by revisiting the Multiple Streams Framework as central public policy theory and modifying it to take into account multilevel reinforcing dynamics. This is important as it allows policy change to be explained more accurately given the empirical interdependencies between policy‐making on the national, regional (e.g., European) and international levels, which so far have not been sufficiently taken into account by traditional public policy theories. It process‐traces how EU‐level policies motivated by energy security considerations and global climate leadership ambitions influenced international‐level agenda‐setting. Global climate change commitments in turn influenced European renewable energy and climate policy. Such multilevel reinforcing dynamics were central for the 2009 European Renewable Energy Directive, the 2030 Climate and Energy Framework and the 2050 European Green Deal proposal to emerge and subsequently facilitated the 2015 Paris Agreement on Climate Change, which in turn motivated developed and developing countries to legislate and implement climate and renewable energy policies.     

More continuity than change? US strategy toward Cuba under Obama and Trump

This article examines the policies implemented by both the Obama and Trump Administrations toward Cuba to evaluate the claim that the ‘Thaw’ of relations between Washington and Havana represents a significant change in US foreign policy toward the island nation. Despite the appearance that the change in policy is a fundamental shift, I argue that the changes in US policy toward Cuba under both Obama and Trump represent changes in the means for pursuing the same historical objectives pursued by the Washington for the past few decades. In other words, the overall strategy and objective of US hegemony in Cuba is the same, with the only change being the means for achieving these ends. The central implication of this is that the ‘Thaw’ in relations between Cuba and the US represents a new, more ‘consensual’ means to instigating the same objective of provoking American-orchestrated political, economic, social and ideological changes in the island nation.     

Five Areas of Value Judgement in Local Adaptation to Climate Change

Abstract

Climate change has generated several new theoretical and policy challenges, many of which concern how local communities ought to adapt to a warmer climate. This paper identifies and analyses a number of value judgements that come to the fore as local authorities adapt to climate change. Five categories of judgements are discussed: evaluation (how should the consequences of adaptation be evaluated?), timing (when should adaptive action be taken?), distribution (how should the benefits and burdens of adaptation be distributed?), procedures (who should be involved in adaptation decision making?), and goal conflicts (how should goal conflicts in adaptation be dealt with?). For each category, further research is needed to assist decision making at the local level.     

Explaining collaboration in consensual and conflictual governance networks

The conditions under which policy beliefs and influential actors shape collaborative behaviour in governance networks are not well understood. This article applies exponential random graph models to network data from Finland and Sweden to investigate how beliefs, reputational power and the role of public authorities structure collaboration ties in the two countries’ climate change governance networks. Results show that only in Finland's conflictual climate policy domain do actors collaborate with those with similar beliefs and with reputational power, while only in Sweden's consensual climate policy domain do public authorities play central impartial coordinating roles. These results indicate that conflict is present in a governance network when beliefs and reputational power determine collaboration and that it is absent when public authorities occupy central roles. They also suggest that relative success in climate policy action is likely to occur when public authorities take on network manager roles.     

Never Thaw that coming! Latin American regional integration and the US–Cuba Thaw

Existing accounts of the US–Cuba Thaw correctly identify the decisiveness of Latin American states in pushing the 2014 change in US policy towards Cuba. Problematically, however, these accounts overlook a range of regional integration projects pursued by Latin American states that prove pivotal in ascertaining the central dynamics of the region in shaping the Thaw. This article argues that these regional integration projects are imperative to understanding how Latin American states were able to alter US policy towards Cuba, for three reasons. First, these initiatives, and Cuba’s role in these projects, are central to understanding why Cuba came to be a unanimously ‘regional’ issue for Latin American states of all political persuasions; second, the challenges to US dominance in the region provided by these integration projects were ultimately what gave Latin American states their teeth in pushing the Obama administration to reconsider its policy towards Cuba; and third, a consideration of this broader regional context more thoroughly illustrates the strategic nature of the change in policy towards Cuba as an attempt by the US to salvage its ability to influence regional affairs in response to these integration initiatives that excluded it from the region’s architecture.     

Addressing the Challenges of Adaptation to Climate Change Policy: Integrating Public Administration and Public Policy Studies

With growing attention on formulating the “right” policies and programs to address climate change, the contribution that policy work will make in fostering adaptive capacity needs to be examined. Policy capacity is crucial to policy formulation and should be at the heart of climate mainstreaming. There are six hypotheses about the nature of climate-based policy work based on a survey conducted of Canadian federal and provincial government employees in the forestry, finance, infrastructure, and transportation sectors. To measure the simultaneous effects on perceived policy capacity, an Ordinary Least Squares regression was conducted. Among the key findings was that the increased demand for climate change science within an organization resulted in a decreased perception of policy capacity. Policy work was largely focused on procedure activities rather than on evaluation. The model found that networking was critically important for perceived policy capacity. Effective policy formulation will involve the participation of others normally not associated with traditional policy work. Evidence-based policy work illustrates that policy success can be achieved by improving the amount and type of information processed in public policy formulation.     

Russia’s Climate Policy: International Bargaining and Domestic Modernisation

This article accounts for the gap between Russia’s weak initial implementation of the Kyoto Protocol and its more active engagement in climate policy during the Medvedev presidency. We examine the intersection of climate policy and broader efforts to modernise Russia’s economy, drawing attention to synergies between domestic and international politics. We argue that international factors alone do not explain the change in climate policy as they have remained relatively constant. Instead, greater attention toward climate policy results from efforts to introduce new technologies and increase energy efficiency, spurred by the recent financial crisis and a shift in domestic policy priorities associated with the Medvedev presidency.