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1.
Introduction: exploring and explaining the Asia-Pacific Partnership on Clean Development and Climate 总被引:3,自引:3,他引:0
Sylvia I. Karlsson-Vinkhuyzen Harro van Asselt 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2009,9(3):195-211
This introduction lays the groundwork for this Special Issue by providing an overview of the Asia-Pacific Partnership on Clean
Development and Climate (APP), and by introducing three main analytical themes. The first theme concerns the emergence and
continuation of the APP. The contributions show that the emergence of the APP can be attributed to international factors,
including the United States’ rejection of the Kyoto Protocol, and its search for an alternative arena for global climate governance,
and other countries’ wish to maintain good relations with the US; as well as domestic factors, such as the presence of bureaucratic
actors in favour of the Partnership, alignment with domestic priorities, and the potential for reaping economic benefits through
participation. The second theme examines the nature of the Partnership, concluding that it falls on the very soft side of
the hard–soft law continuum and that while being branded as a public–private partnership, governments remain in charge. Under
the third theme, the influence which the APP exerts on the post-2012 United Nations (UN) climate change negotiations is scrutinised.
The contributions show that at the very least, the APP is exerting some cognitive influence on the UN discussions through
its promotion of a sectoral approach. The introduction concludes with outlining areas for future research.
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Harro van AsseltEmail: |
2.
From walls to membranes: fortress polis and the governance of urban public space in 21st century Britain 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Drawing on the work of Paul Virilio, this paper addresses changes in the architectural and legal topography of the urban landscape
through an examination of regulatory patterns, which increasingly intensify governance through, and as, ‘control’. Such regulation
is ambivalent in that it cuts across many traditionally discrete regimes of power melding them into new forms with new effects;
as a consequence it is no longer sufficient to think in terms of such distinctions as private/public, civil/criminal, and
so on. This paper argues that a concern with patterns of enclosure and privatisation in our urban centres must now be placed
within the context of changes in architectural practice and technology, which the authors term ‘open architecture’, and the
embedding of governance through partnership, which give particular emphasis to the use of dematerialised and diffused modes
of control. The paper utilises Virilio’s history and image of the fortress, which he tracks from a material form to a dematerialised
form, to envisage these developments and to provide the foundation for an understanding of the importance of the development
of practices of surveillance into, what the authors term, ‘total registration’ as a feature and function of governance through
‘control’.
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Nathan MooreEmail: |
3.
4.
The Group of 77 in the international climate negotiations: recent developments and future directions
Sjur Kasa Anne T. Gullberg Gørild Heggelund 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2008,8(2):113-127
First, we describe and analyze the main set of G77 positions in the climate negotiations and the dynamics behind the emergence
of these positions. While it is puzzling that the G77 has managed to maintain itself as a group in spite of internal differences
along variables as prosperity, emissions and vulnerability to climate change, we claim that a core element behind this cohesion
is that these countries share domestic governance problems as much as poverty and economic underdevelopment. Second, we discuss
how recent trends of economic and political development in the third world influence the climate policy strategies of the
G77 group in the future. The main factor here is the economicand social progress in states like China, India and Brazil, which
separates them from the poorer and less powerful G77 states. Increasing heterogeneity along variables like governance, growth,
and importance for the international economy is creating an increasing drive among the most successful G77 states towards
bilateral agreements with industrialised powers. We do not foresee a departure from traditional G77 positions and membership
by these states in the official climate negotiations or a departure from the Kyoto process, but an increasing reliance on
bilateral agreements with industrialized countries that link considerations for energy security and the environment. The ability
to gain these advantages without commitments may make these states less interested in adopting commitments for the post-Kyoto
period. This is unfortunate for the LDCs and the AOSIS groups within the G77, who probably are most vulnerable to climate
change.
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Sjur KasaEmail: |
5.
This paper explores the dynamics of the production of global knowledge by an international knowledge organization, in this case the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change. Based on previous notions of international boundary organizations, the idea of international knowledge organizations emphasizes the knowledge generation function of such organizations rather than their convening function. Using the case of controversial Kyoto Protocol biotic carbon sequestration policies, I argue that boundary work and uncertainty management are the essential dynamics in the successful construction of global knowledge by international knowledge organizations. This uncertainty management occurs in a manner broadly, although not completely, in conformance with the institutional preferences of powerful policy actors. Global knowledge can legitimate and help refine global policies, but the process of its construction must be iterative and transparent if it is to be credible for global environmental governance over the long-term. 相似文献
6.
The climate change problem, or global warming, has gained a prominent place on the international political agenda, since the mid-1980s, when it first attracted political attention. The problem was initially perceived mainly as an environmental problem that could be resolved by technological solutions, its current perception, this essay argues, is best characterized as that of an enviro-economic problem. A perception that is exemplified by the ongoing negotiations for the development of economic mechanisms to tackle the problem. The climate change arena is a complex one, involving dichotomies between developed and developing countries, between fossil fuel producing and importing countries and between small island developing states and other states. This essay outlines the interests that play a role in the climate change negotiations and discusses the international climate change regime as contained in the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change and its Kyoto Protocol. It concludes that the climate change negotiations are complicated by the fact that the negotiators, in addition to developing new substantive rules for a complex problem, are involved in developing new systemic rules for the international legal system. These new systemic rules have more in common with rules of national systems of public or administrative law than with traditional rules of international law, which have many similarities with national systems of contract law. 相似文献