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1.
In 2005 Indonesian and European institutes joined to start the first step for the implementation of an Ocean Operational System
in the Indonesian archipelago. The system will support the decision making process for the sustainable use of marine resources,
providing useful information and added value products as well as a service for an improved management of the sea with high
business impact to targeted groups as public authorities and commercial operators (coastal managers, fishermen, shipping companies).
In this paper the System is shortly described with its potential benefits and economic and social impacts.
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2.
World history has known areas of relative isolation and areas of high intensity of cultural interaction. The Mediterranean
Sea, the Silk Road or the Straits of Malacca can be cited as such crucial contact zones. Within these areas, centres sprung
up that served as interfaces between cultures and societies. These “hubs” as we would like to call them, emerged at various
points throughout the contact zones, rose to prominence and submerged into oblivion due to a variety of natural calamities
or political fortunes. This paper assesses the rise and fall of trade and knowledge hubs along the Straits of Malacca from
before colonialisation until today. Historical hubs of maritime trade and religiosity today increasingly establish themselves
as educational and knowledge hubs. This leads us to speak of the Straits of Malacca as a chain of—not pearls—but knowledge
hubs with Singapore as the knowledge hub in the region shining the brightest of all, as the data suggest. We aim to conceptually
grasp this development by suggesting a model or at least a hypothesis about the rise and movement of knowledge hubs in general.
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3.
A growing body of international relations literature examines the delegation of state authority to international organizations.
Delegation is a conditional grant of authority from a principal to an agent in which the latter is empowered to act on behalf
of the former. This paper explores the effect of agent permeability to interested third parties on the efficacy of control
mechanisms established by principals. Our central argument is that higher levels of agent permeability are likely to lead
to higher levels of agent autonomy. Because of this, principals who face a potentially permeable agent are likely to delegate
more cautiously—partially, in stages, or with clear limits. We illustrate our argument with a case study of the European Convention
of Human Rights and its two principal institutions, the Commission and the Court. We find that principals (contracting states)
historically delegated quite cautiously to the Court, clearly concerned about the Court’s autonomy. Court behavior in its
first two decades reassured principals while increasing the Court’s permeability. Over time, that increased permeability increased
Court autonomy in conjunction with the Court’s growing visibility and experience.
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4.
The central framework of Asian integration is ASEAN+3 and, since its first Summit meeting in 1997, it has advanced regional
integration in East Asia. Based on the direct experience of the author, this article presents a critical assessment of the
progress made over the past ten years and argues that the ‘Singapore Declaration’ of 2007 is not ambitious enough for the
future. An East Asian customs union (EACU) and common regional market should be the next targets for trade integration. In
terms of monetary integration, Asia should aim for de-dollarisation and to achieve this it is crucially important to create
a regional Asian monetary system (AMS).
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5.
The paper analyses the basic parameters of the power of China, according to Geopolitical Theory. Even though the authors adopt
a critical approach on some aspects of the geopolitical theory, the geopolitical analysis elucidates the interests of China
and the United States and focuses on the way of which the American decision-making system perceives China. The article interprets
the geopolitical role of China, starting from the origins of geopolitical theory to the contemporary international relations
theory. In addition, it focuses on the current geo-strategic context of the Far East. It analyses Chinas' strategic thinking,
China's nuclear doctrine and its military power as compared to the neighbouring countries and as a major player in the world
economy.
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6.
The aim of this article is to answer the question what kind of global security architecture emerged after September 11 and
what functions Europe, East Asia and the United States assumed in this triadic structure. The empirical findings reveal that
the transpacific security cooperation is the strengthening link in this global security structure, the transatlantic security
cooperation the weakening one and the Asia–Europe Security Cooperation is to be seen as the emerging link. In order to explain
these different institutional manifestations of transregional cooperation, different theories of International Relations are
applied to the three cases. It comes as no surprise that neoinstitutionalism and constructivism offer the best insights into
the formation and development of international institutions.
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7.
Both parties to an eventual EU India FTA have agreed that it should not merely address tariff barriers but should also go
further into what is known as deep integration, originally developed in the 1990s by R.Z. Lawrence. This relates to the removal
of all obstacles to cross border business whether actual trade barriers or domestic regulations. We distinguish deep institutional
integration from the deep integration of markets. We ask the question how one may support the other. There are potential market
failures that can be addressed by trans-national rules on standards and technical regulations and services, but we conclude
that the biggest impact of a deep RTA would be on the domestic economy of India if it provides an opportunity for reform.
It should be noted that the paper draws on a study undertaken by the authors for DG Trade, but it represents only the views
of the authors.
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8.
This article treats the relationship between the Westerners and Chinese medicine. Firstly, the purpose is to comprehend how
young Westerners have come to practice Chinese medicine in their lives and, secondly, to learn the eventual consequences of
that practice on their lives and attitudes towards this medicine.
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9.
Students from the three main universities in Singapore were surveyed in the third quarter 2008 to assess their perceptions
and knowledge of Europe/the European Union. This survey complements and expands upon that done in 2006 by the National Centre
for Research on Europe (NCRE) which was supported by Asia–Europe Foundation. The student survey showed that this important
age and education cohort had a middling to low assessment of the EU in its importance for Singapore, an assessment which was
much lower than the objective view of the relation (in terms of trade and the EU as a dialogue partner) would warrant. The
sources of this perception were examined, and it was found that there was no immediate correlation between level of assessment
of Europe/the EU and: gender, nationality, year of study, subject of study or frequency of accessing the local media for international
news. Therefore, such perceptions can be assumed to derive from sporadic, ad hoc intangible contacts and fleeting impressions
rather than through formal education, the media and specific, focussed and localised EU-related outreach programmes.
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10.
With the end of the Cold War and the collapse of the Soviet Union the large economic space of the Eurasian super-continent has also become part of the world-wide globalization process. How this process of integration of Eurasia is proceeding in key areas of cross-continental linkages is of great importance for the future of the region and for the future of the World as a whole. One of the key questions will be whether the regional and global institutions can provide adequate support for this integration process.This paper was presented as a keynote speech at The Fourteenth OSCE Economic Forum in Vienna on 23 January 2006. It draws on a longer paper by (Linn and Tiomkin in press).The authors are, respectively, Executive Director of the Wolfensohn Initiative at The Brookings Institution, Washington, DC, USA, and MBA and MPA/ID candidate at Harvard University. Johannes Linn served as Vice President for Europe and Central Asia at the World Bank from 1996 to 2003. 相似文献
11.
During 2005, the European Union and China marked 30 years of diplomatic relations with much fanfare. Celebrations surrounding
the anniversary however belied the fact that throughout most of this period the European Union and China remained largely
aloof from one another. The strengthening of EU foreign policy over time, as well as the economic reforms and new outward
orientation exhibited by China have changed the dynamics of the relationship. Both sides are increasingly recognizing the
potential mutual benefits that can be accrued from a closer relationship. This paper assesses EU-China relations from both
economic and political perspectives. In terms of economics, it is clear that the EU must build stronger relations with China
if it is to accrue the benefits of access to an expanding market with over one billion people. To do so successfully however,
the EU will have to reconcile the economic and political components of its foreign policy. The EU continues to challenge the
Chinese government to reform its practices on a number of issues including human rights, democratic reform, and Tibet, all
of which remain bones of contention. How the EU achieves the balance between political constraints and economic opportunities
is the primary focus of this paper.
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12.
The ‘coordinate plane of global governance’ developed in this paper describes the trade-off between static gains and dynamic
losses associated with international policy harmonization. A simple model illustrates how potential gains result from producing
positive international spill-overs, whereas potential losses come from restricted systems competition between national policy
regimes. The solution to this model allows identifying the cut-off level between policies suitable for global harmonization
and policies which should better not be centralized. An application of the concept to selected policy fields illustrates its
relevance for decision-making on global governance.
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13.
The paper shows that the economic forecasts of the IMF are frequently distorted by political bias. Longer-term growth forecasts
for the industrial countries reveal an absolute as well as relative optimism bias and a significant correlation with election
dates in the US. Furthermore, the IMF projections for the developing regions are strongly biased toward optimism. The significant
relationship between forecast errors and IMF net credit flows to a region supports the hypothesis that the IMF staff tries
to legitimize its lending activities with overly optimistic forecasts.
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14.
This paper explores what kind of regional trade agreement is most likely to emerge in Northeast Asia by tracing the trajectories of APEC. Taking into account the underlying potential of realizing cumulative causation effects between market expansion and technology cooperation among China, Japan and Korea, it reaches the tentative conclusion that a Northeast Asia Regional Trade Agreement (RTA) might take shape in the near future despite the prevalence of polarized versions in the cultural heritage and the international relations between these three countries. 相似文献
15.
Using a historical case study this article provides an example of how heterogeneity of interests within a government may affect the interplay between country ownership of reforms and conditionality in IMF-supported programs.
The case study also highlights how pro-reformers’ preferences may be conditional on reforms advancing their personal agendas.
This suggests a new issue to be addressed by formal models of conditionality. Two main themes emerge from the analysis: (a)
the importance of a clear hierarchy to unify heterogeneous interests among decision makers; and, (b) a flexible country-tailored
approach to conditionality can contribute to domestic ownership of reforms.
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16.
The purpose of this paper is to propose an analytical framework integrating the diverse explanations of the failure of IMF
conditionality. The IMF is a key player in the running of markets in a global economy. The institutional failures of IMF conditionality
are appreciated at two complementary levels: (a) its intrinsic bureaucratic bias, and (b) the inability of the IMF to manage
the institutional change required for the development of market processes. A new approach of conditionality suggests the separation
of the role of the IMF as financial backer from its role as adviser to countries confronted by the globalization process.
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17.
The shake-up of the European security architecture produced by the end of the Cold War has not led to a clear-cut division of labour between the different actors involved. While one organization, the Western European Union (WEU), has all but disappeared, the expansion of the EU and NATO in terms of both competencies and membership and the institutionalization of the OSCE have resulted in an intricate web of functionally and geographically overlapping institutions.Senior research fellow in the Royal Institute for International Relations (IRRI-KIIB) in Brussels and professor of European security at Ghent University in Belgium. 相似文献
18.
Agriculture has been the most contentious issue in the Doha Round of multilateral trade negotiations, and the European Union
(EU) intervenes substantially in agricultural markets. This paper reviews these interventions in light of the EU’s participation
in the Doha Round of multilateral trade negotiations with specific attention to Asia. It concludes that the offers made by
the EU were designed precisely to avoid any real liberalization in its agricultural markets and have undermined the development
aspirations of the round.
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19.
IMF supported programs have conventionally been assessed by examining their effects on intermediate variables and final outcomes.
More recently greater attention has been paid to their implementation, on the assumption that in order to work programs need
to be implemented. Empirical studies have begun to include political economy variables in an attempt to explain implementation.
They have used the concept of ‘ownership’ to provide a theoretical foundation. This paper provides an alternative and simple
conceptual framework based on the marginal benefits and costs of implementation. It goes on to discuss policies that might
be expected to improve implementation based on this framework.
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20.
This article examines the Syeikh Muhammad Abduh's ideas on society, diagnoses of its problems and viable solutions. Central
to this article's argument is the appropriation of Abduh into the list of thinkers found within the discipline of sociology
that has been dominated by Europeans in his era. By highlighting several themes related to the challenges and anxieties faced
by Muslim societies in facing up to Western modernity, which Abduh was much concerned with in his discourses, it is hoped
that future scholars would re-examine his sociological thoughts in light of its significance towards fostering East–West intellectual
symbiosis.
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