‘Political conditions in wales are quite different …’ party politics and votes for women in Wales, 1912–151

Abstract

In 1912, the National Union of Women's Suffrage Societies adopted a policy of electoral support for the Labour Party, known as the Election Fighting Fund (EFF). The most determined opposition to this policy came from the South Wales Federation of Women's Suffrage Societies. The article re-examines the story of that opposition, as well as the attempt by the EFF Committee to work in the North Monmouthshire constituency of the Home Secretary, Reginald McKenna, against the wishes of local suffragists. The article suggests that accounts of this period in British suffrage history have presented a too simplistic account, which masks the diversity of women's politics in Wales; and that the nature of coalfield communities combined with the parliamentary focus of the EFF to marginalise the working-class and Labour movement women of the area.     

‘The Trojan Horse’: Communist Entrism in the British Labour Party, 1933–43

Abstract

Entrism – the infiltration of political organisations by competitors – is typically associated with Trotskyism. Large-scale Communist entrism in the British Labour Party has been neglected by historians and reference in the literature is slight and impressionistic. Archival material permits reconstruction of a sustained attempt by the Comintern and British Communists to subvert Labour Party policy between 1933 and 1943. Documenting the development and dimensions of Communist entrism, this article establishes that, by 1937, 10% of Communist Party (CPGB) members were operating secretly inside British Labour, campaigning to change its policy on affiliation and engineer a Popular Front. Biographies of 55 such Communists provide new data and permit a typology of entrist activity. The episode sheds new light on Popular Front initiatives and the extent of genuine support for them within Labour. It illuminates the conspiratorial side of Stalinist activity at a time when the CPGB presented itself as a conventional British party.     

Negotiating the boundaries of the domestic: British socialist women and the politics of consumption

Abstract

Historically, socialist strategy has privileged production over consumption, yet consumption was a space in which socialist women could have constructed a woman-focused politics. This article discusses the possibility of a politics of consumption where consumption provided the focus for overt political demands around which consumer-centred tactics were developed. It explores an attempt by British socialist women to create a politics of consumption around shopping for food. Although Margaretta Hicks and the National Women's Council of the British Socialist Party ultimately failed to reorder socialist priorities, they did try to build a politics of consumption in the years 1912 to 1915. Their significance was to imagine one way in which the border between the ‘domestic’ and the ‘political’ could be dissolved so that consumption and production could be recognised as complementary and equally necessary spheres of socialist politics.     

Women's studies and the women's movement in Britain: origins and evolution, 1970–2000

The article is based on research carried out in 1998-99 which involved interviewing United Kingdom based women who had been responsible for introducing degree courses in women's studies into British universities and polytechnics. The interviews are records of the memories of those women as they look back on a political moment when they were engaged in collective attempts to transform the academic curriculum. Personal memories are placed alongside accounts and debates which appeared in printed sources, such as books and newsletters from the British Women's liberation movement from 1970 onwards. The article also reflects on the process in which past events and personal memoirs move from stories to histories, enter the archive, and begin to acquire the status of history.     

Scottish women's studies

Abstract

This article outlines the content of the first Women's history course established in Bulgaria, at Sofia University, in 1999. The course focuses on Bulgarian women over the period from 1840 to 1940 and includes discussion of statistical data about Women's lives, the family, education and employment, as well as Women's subjectivities and cultural identities. Attention is also given to the analysis of powerful discourses about Women's role in society and the challenge of the Women's movement to these ideas. Wherever possible, comparative material from other Balkan societies and Western Europe is explored, as well as gender differences between men and women     

Citizens not feminists: the boundary negotiated between citizenship and feminism by mainstream women's organisations in England, 1928-39

Abstract

This article explores the concepts of citizenship and feminism as interpreted by six large voluntary and mainstream women's groups in England during the years 1928–39. The six organisations considered here are the Mothers' Union, the Young Women's Christian Association, the Catholic Women's League, the National Federation of Women's Institutes, the National Union of Townswomen's Guilds and the National Council of Women. The article asks why these organisations, which declared they were not feminist were committed to highlighting, and fighting for, the rights of newly enfranchised women citizens. It is concluded that for these organisations the concept of citizenship for women, as opposed to feminism, was a more effective way to secure social and economic rights for the majority of women during the inter-war period.     

Australian Women's History

Living Feminism: the impact of the Women's Liberation Movement on three generations of Australian women CHILLA BULBECK, 1997 Melbourne: Cambridge University Press. xxii + 279 pp., A$29.95, ISBN 9 780521 465960     

Women as Active Citizens: Glasgow and Edinburgh c.1918–1939

This article examines evidence of active political engagement by women in Edinburgh and Glasgow in the inter-war years of the twentieth century. While discussing the wider context of women's political activities in this period, in terms of party politics and the range of women's organisations in existence, it focuses in particular on Women Citizens’ Associations, Societies for Equal Citizenship and Co-operative Women's Guild branches. Comparing interventions by such women's organisations in the two cities around the selected themes of political representation, housing, ‘moral and social hygiene’, and contraception, the article demonstrates that women's organisations participated in public debates and campaigns to advance what they perceived as women's interests. Temporary alliances around issues such as the regulation of prostitution and provision of contraceptive advice brought together a range of women's organisations, but class differences in perspectives became increasingly apparent in this period, particularly in Glasgow. The issues addressed by women's organisations covered the spectrum of ‘equal rights’ and ‘welfare feminism’, although they did not necessarily identify as feminist. Common to all organisations, however, was a commitment to active citizenship, with women becoming a recognised part of local political networks in this period, although they remained poorly represented in parliament.     

Nothing Special? Propaganda and Women's Roles in Late First World War Britain

Women's roles and work did not dramatically change during the First World War; their contributions as citizens simply received greater recognition. This article explores women's roles as subjects, objects and producers of National War Aims Committee propaganda in Britain during 1917–18. It examines differing representations of, and outlines the production of, ‘special’ propaganda for women, discussing women's interactions with and employment by the Committee. Finally, it analyses a series of articles which mixed patriotic rhetoric, practical domestic tips and observations on women's ‘new’ work. Far from uncritically accepting their ‘special’, separate place, the evidence suggests that women, as both objects and producers of propaganda, engaged with it on their own terms as British citizens.     

A Look Back at Anger: the Women's Liberation Movement in 1978

The British Women's Liberation Movement (WLM) has received scarce attention from historians, though many women have published first‐hand accounts. These accounts are usually from a socialist feminist perspective, which tends to silence or disparage revolutionary feminist actions and ideas. Archival and oral history research on the WLM's last National Conference in Birmingham in 1978 illuminates how such a perspective is partial and in need of revision. The conference witnessed bitter disagreements, with the final plenary session degenerating into chaos as women debated the merits of resolutions relating to sexuality and violence against women. This article reconstructs the events leading up to the plenary, and interrogates the often implicit but rarely explicit notion that a particular group of revolutionary feminists was responsible for the breakdown of the Conference, and with it, the WLM as a political force.     

The Usurer's Daughter: Male Friendship and Fictions of Women in Sixteenth-Century England

This article uses a case-study of the relationship between the British suffrage organization, the Women's Social and Political Union, and its equivalent on the Irish side, the Irish Women's Franchise League, in order to illuminate some consequences of the colonial relationship between Britain and Ireland. As political power was located within the British state, and the British feminist movement enjoyed superior resources, the Irish movement was at a disadvantage. This was compounded by serious internal divisions within the Irish movement - a product of the dispute over Ireland's constitutional future - which prevented the Franchise League, sympathetic to the nationalist demand for independence - from establishing a strong presence in the North. The consequences of the British movement organizing in Ireland, in particular their initiation of a militant campaign in the North, are explored in some detail, using evidence provided by letters from the participants.British intervention was clearly motivated from British-inspired concerns rather than from any solidarity with the situation of women in Ireland, proving to be disastrous for the Irish, accentuating their deep-rooted divisions.The overall argument is that feminism cannot be viewed in isolation from other political considerations. This case-study isolates the repercussions of Britain's imperial role for both British and Irish movements: ostensibly with a common objective but in reality divided by their differing response to the constitutional arrangement between the two countries. For this reason, historians of Irish feminist movements must give consideration to the importance of the ‘national question’ and display a more critical attitude towards the role played by Britain in Irish affairs.     

‘Beauty isn't all a matter of looking glamorous’: attitudes to glamour and beauty in 1950s women's magazines

This article analyses representations of glamour in two British magazines during the 1950s: Home and Country and Woman's Outlook, the publications of the National Federation of Women's Institutes (NFWI) and the Women's Co-operative Guild (WCG) respectively. Both publications shared many traits with best-selling women's magazines of the period but they also had certain distinctive characteristics, such as a relative lack of advertising for beauty products, which make them particularly interesting subjects for a study of glamour. Through its exploration of the diverse and even contradictory attitudes towards glamour evidenced in these publications, the article contributes to continuing feminist debates about women and beauty as well as offering fresh insights into the NFWI and WCG. Its findings demonstrate heterogeneous understandings of femininity, thus challenge the stereotypes of 1950s womanhood that continue to abound, and add another case study to the growing body of revisionist literature on women in the post-1945 period.     

Gender,nationalism and the colonial jail: a study of women activists in Uttar Pradesh

Abstract

An important aspect of Indian women's political participation in the nationalist struggle against colonial rule was their imprisonment and confinement within the walls of the prison. To counter the difficulty and monotony of their prison existence, women developed strong solidarity networks which not only helped them to adjust to the temporary upheaval in their lives but also resulted in their becoming strong and determined individuals with a nationalist consciousness. These women resisted colonial rule through imprisonment and activities in the jail (such as writing poetry) just as they did through nationalist activities within the domestic sphere (such as spinning and weaving). The jail became a site where identities were continuously shaped and restructured. Feelings of pride, resentment, honour and humiliation were all experienced by women prisoners and were continuously sharpened. Women's entry into male dominated spaces dispelled the British stereotypes about Indian women as subordinate, weak and docile. Women were also aware that by endangering their womanhood on the streets and putting their bodies under risk of attack, they proved that they could share common experiences with their fellow men in the public sphere.     

Women facing the state: Childcare policy process in Canada and Finland, 1960–90

The examination of women's influence on government policy is an integral part of comparative research into women and the welfare state. Focusing on the process of childcare policy development in Canada and Finland, this article suggests that the degree and nature of women's influence depend on the extent to which women's organizations representing different gender ideologies have established an effective presence in official politics. Furthermore, this study suggests that the political structure and process provide a material basis for the development of alliances and solidarity within the women's movement.     

Holy Motherhood: gender,dynasty, and visual culture in the later Middle Ages ELIZABETH L'ESTRANGE

The following books are reviewed.

Florence Kelley and the Nation's Work: the rise of Women's political culture, 1830-1900 KATHRYN KISH SKLAR, 1995 New Haven: Yale University Press. xviii + 436 pp., ISBN 0 300 05912 4, $25

Charlotte Perkins Gilman: her progress toward utopia with selected writings CAROL FARLEY KESSLER, 1995 Syracuse, New York: Syracuse University Press. xi +316 pp., ISBN 0 8156 2644 4, hardback, £27.50, ISBN 0 8156 2644 5, paperback, £15

Always a Sister: the feminism of Lillian D. Wald DORIS GROSHEN DANIELS, 1995 New York: The Feminist Press. x +207 pp., ISBN 1 55861 113 4, paperback,$12.95

Good Enough Mothering? Feminist Perspectives on Lone Motherhood ELIZABETH BORTOLAIA SILVA (Ed.), 1996 London: Routledge. ix + 241 pp., ISBN 0 415 12889 7, hardback, £47.50, ISBN 0 415 12890 0, paperback, £14.99

The Case for Women in Medieval Culture ALCUIN BLAMIRES, 1997 Oxford: Clarendon Press. viii + 279 pp., ISBN 0 19 818256 2, £40.00

Midwives, Society and Childbirth: debates and controversies in the modern period HILARY MARLAND &; ANNE-MARIE RAFFERTY (Eds), 1997 London: Routledge. xiii + 278pp., ISBN 0 415 13328 9, hardback, £50.00

Black British Feminism: a reader HEIDI SAFIA MIRZA (Ed.), 1997 York: Routledge. xiv + 297pp., paperback, £14.99

Dear Laughing Motorbyke: letters from women welders of the Second World War MARGARETTA JOLLY (Ed.), 1997 London: Scarlet Press. x + 174pp., paperback, £9.99

Women, Guerrillas, and Love: understanding war in Central America ILEANA RODRÍGUEZ, 1996 Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. xxv + 183pp., $19.95

The New Woman: fiction and feminism at the fin-de-siécle SALLY LEDGER, 1997 Manchester: Manchester University Press. vii + 216pp., ISBN 0 7190 4092 2, hardback, £35, ISBN 0 7190 4093, paperback, £13.99

Single Mothers in an International Context: mothers or workers? SIMON DUNCAN &; ROSALIND EDWARDS (Eds), 1997 London: UCL Press. ix + 285 pp., ISBN 1 85728 791 6, paperback, £13.95

Moving the Goalposts: a history of sport and society since 1945 MARTIN POLLEY, 1998 London: Routledge. xii + 236 pp., ISBN 0 415 14217 2, paperback, £12.99

Imagining Home, Gender, ‘Race’ and National Identity, 1945-64 WENDY WEBSTER, 1998 London: UCL Press. 240 pp., ISBN 1 85728 350 3, hardback, £40.00, ISBN 1 8572 8 3511, paperback, £12.95

Faces of Feminism: an activist's reflections on the Women's Movement SHEILA TOBIAS, 1997 Oxford: Westview Press. xvi + 332 pp., ISBN 0 8133 2842 X, hardback, £17.95     

Women's suffrage campaigns in Britain

Abstract

The British Women's Suffrage Campaign, 1866–1928 HAROLD L. SMITH, 1998 London: Longman. 122 pp., ISBN 0 582 98113, paperback, £6.99     

‘Hand in hand with the women,forward we will go’: welsh nationalism and feminism in the 1890s

This article explores the history of women's liberalism in Wales in the 1880s and 1890s, during the period of the Liberal nationalist movement known as Cymru Fydd or Young Wales. The Welsh Union of Women's Liberal Associations (WUWLA) was founded in 1892 to provide an important bloc of votes for the Progressive (Suffragist) faction in the Women's Liberal Federation, but its aims combined Liberal, Nationalist and feminist objectives. This article argues that briefly, and uniquely, in the 1890s, the WUWLA was able to bring together feminism and nationalism in British party politics, despite some opposition from its own nationalist members. The active intervention of women ensured that the masculinist language of nationalism shifted to an emphasis on equality of the sexes. In 1895, Cymru Fydd, embodied in the Welsh National Federation, espoused women's suffrage among its objects, and gave women's organisations special representation in its structures. This change is explored both through the writings and the events – a series of meetings and conferences – which led to the formation of both the WUWLA and the Welsh National Federation. But the weakness of liberalism at the end of the 1890s, together with divisions within Wales, meant that the new politics was short lived. The decline of women's national organisation after this period, though not fully explored here, can be linked to those problems, but also to the rifts created between Liberals, women and men, over the issue of women's suffrage in the Edwardian period.     

Women's Studies: Between a Rock and a Hard Place or Just Another Cell in the Beehive?

The article traces the history of Women's Studies from its beginnings as the ‘intellectual arm of the women's movement’. It argues that the complex story of Women's Studies has been marked by both ambiguity and uncertainty as well as sustained political commitment in the face of both institutional opposition and feminist ambivalence about Women's Studies as a field of scholarship. The development of Women's Studies occurs through crucial shifts in the theoretical paradigms of feminism and the political preoccupations of the women's movement. These shifts have both deconstructed the founding premises of feminist theory and generated a greater depth to feminist thinking and research. These challenges to Women's Studies have paralleled a different set of problems arising from the increasingly market-oriented direction pursued throughout the tertiary education sector. In spite of these difficulties Women's Studies continues to survive and constitutes an important and contested site of contemporary feminist thought.     

Remembering Jo Cox (1974–2016)

This appreciation remembers the life of Jo Cox, a British Member of Parliament (MP), who was brutally murdered on 16 June 2016. A Labour Party feminist, Jo campaigned for women’s rights around the world. After graduating from the University of Cambridge in 1995, she became a political adviser for various MPs and then worked for Oxfam, the Maternity Mortality Campaign, Save the Children and the National Society for the Protection of Cruelty to Children. Jo Cox wanted to make the world a better place, a place of justice and peace.