What was different about the German Democratic Republic?

For the last few years, I have been planning to write a book called Unwrapped Past and Empty Present: GDR Culture in Retrospect . The post-unification process has not been easy, and the other day I even came across a statement in the press that "other postcommunist countries did not seem to have faced the same difficulties as the former GDR". Although this is a highly questionable comment, ignoring the plight of large sections of the population under "successful" postcommunist governments and the far higher living standards of the GDR population, despite de-industrialisation and massive unemployment, it contains a grain of truth. The more I read about and discuss the East German situation before and after 1989, the more I become convinced that there were vital differences, not only in Soviet policy towards the GDR and other Warsaw Pact states, but perhaps more importantly, in the attitudes of the East German party, the intellectuals and the population at large to the idea of "nation", to the Soviet Union and even to "socialism as it existed in reality". After a stint in Potsdam cramming post-1989 memoirs, I should like to address these issues in a first try at a possible introduction to my planned book.     

The situation of demography in the former German Democratic Republic and the problems of forecasting demographic processes

The failures in demographic research as a result of ideological constraints in the former East Germany are discussed. Attention is given to theoretical errors, population policy and its effects, and population projections.     

Evaluating Communication in the British Parliamentary Public Sphere

This article begins with a re-evaluation of political communication research based on Habermas' original theory of the public sphere. It presents Habermas' alternative framework for assessing communication in contemporary 'actually existing democracies'. The model is then tested with a case study of the UK parliamentary public sphere based on 95 semi-structured interviews with political actors (politicians, journalists and officials). It concludes that parliament today operates rather better, according to public sphere norms, than the public sphere described in Habermas' accounts of 18th and 19th-century England. Such a finding, on its own, is clearly at odds with public perception. The research accordingly offers two explanations for this disparity and the (perceived) crisis of political legitimacy in UK politics.     

Political manipulation in a majoritarian democracy: central government targeting of public funds to English subnational government, in space and across time

This article argues that it is rational for the executive to target resources in space and through time if it seeks to maximise its chances of electoral success. In majoritarian democracies such as the United Kingdom, there are particularly strong incentives to target resources to marginal legislative constituencies, although similar opportunies exist in other political systems. The benefits of such a practice could be growing, because the costs of forms of temporal targeting predicted by theories of the political business cycle have increased, owing to the effect of the global economy. In the United Kingdom one channel through which resources can be targeted is central grants to local authorities. This model is tested with pooled cross-section data on the central finance of English local government between 1981/1982–1995/1996. The article confirms that central government spatially targeted marginals after 1988/1989 while it continued to allocate greater funds near national elections, conditional on its opinion-poll ratings. Hypotheses from the literature on distributional politics are also tested, finding evidence for the temporal allocation of resources to win local elections.     

Presidential Attribution as an Agency of Prime Ministerial Critique in a Parliamentary Democracy: The Case of Tony Blair

The allusion to presidentialism in relation to the status, role and meaning of a prime minister's position is almost invariably skewed towards positive, purposive and expansive interpretations of strong executive authority. This study examines the negative and critical dimensions of the presidential attribution, and analyses the nature of its appeal as a device for organising and rationalising political dissent. The incidence and conditions of its usage in political argument during Tony Blair's premiership are reviewed. As a consequence, seven strands of usage are identified in the selection of presidentialism as a focus of opposition. In assessing the relative strengths and weaknesses of the presidential critique, the analysis not only shows its utility in drawing upon other sources of complaint, but also demonstrates its limitations in the delegitimation of executive authority.     

欧债危机:一个德国视角的评估

从德国的视角看,欧债危机的根本原因在于PIIGS国家(欧猪国家)在享受超出自身收入水平的生活方式上走得太远,导致其政府的持续预算赤字。一位著名的美国经济学家持不同见解,他认为成员国的竞争力差异以及加入共同货币区导致的政策工具的丧失使得欧元已经失败。德国政府相信有两个政策工具可以解决危机:第一,制定强制所有成员国采取预算紧缩的财政协议;第二,创建一个基金用以救助受到破产威胁的成员国政府。包括发行欧元区共同债券和赋予欧洲中央银行以最后贷款人地位在内的一系列政策措施都被德国政府拒绝了。德国政府强烈反对将欧元区转化为转移支付联盟。而由德国政府提出的政策措施也都归于失败,因为预算紧缩政策导致了欧猪国家的经济负增长,进而加大了其减少公债的难度。在德国政府看来,为保证欧猪国家不放松降低财政赤字的努力,继续保持金融市场上的压力是必要的。笔者认为,除非德国政府采取针对经济弱国的更加合作的态度,否则欧元区将极有可能归于终结。     

Anti-Partyism in German Independent Local Lists: Empirical Insights from a Membership Study

In the past few decades, independent local lists in German municipalities have become serious competitors to political parties. However, despite their widespread presence and success, party researchers have largely ignored this phenomenon. Empirical evidence concerning the attitudes of their members towards political parties is rare. Thus far, it remains unclear whether their self-described image as non-parties or anti-parties is restricted to the sphere of local politics or accompanies a general rejection of parties in federal politics. First, the article conceptualises anti-partyism and proposes an analytical distinction between their intensity and related political level. It then analyses the consequences of different patterns of local politics and group characteristics as well as individual determinants to explain the degree of anti-party sentiment. This study improves our understanding of independents and whether they promote party democracy or are a product of political dissatisfaction. Based on a cross-sectional postal survey, multi-level regression models are used to test the hypotheses. The results show that anti-partyism is particularly strong towards party politics at the local level, whereas the general legitimacy of party democracy is not questioned in federal politics.     

Fluid Loyalties in a Regional Crisis: Chadian 'Ex-Liberators' in the Central African Republic

This article examines a neglected pattern of the regional crisisin Darfur, Chad, and the Central African Republic: the cross-borderactivities of combatants with fluid loyalties. The trajectoriesof Chadian ‘ex-liberators’ in CAR, which have beenlittle documented, are used to illustrate the regional movementsof armed men. The article explains how unemployed Chadian soldierswere recruited to fight with François Bozizé inCAR and why many of them joined other armed groups after Bozizé'stakeover. The reconversions of armed combatants, who may easilyshift allegiance and cross borders to carry on with their ‘politico-militarycareers’, is thus a structural characteristic of the currentconflict, which has major implications both at the local andtransnational levels. The article concludes that freelance militaryentrepreneurs’ trajectories are crucial in understandingthe unfolding of this regional crisis.     

Individuals,Parties and the Parliamentary Record in the 1690s

SUMMARY

In this article Colin Brooks reviews the historical writing of the last thirty years on British history between 1688 and 1714. This has offered a variety of interpretations which give priority to a number of different factors. The problem now facing historians is how to synthesize these interpretations into a coherent account. The article suggests that while it is possible to reconstruct from the surviving source materials what happened in the House of Commons, the incompleteness and the ambiguities of the evidence make it much more difficult to determine why it happened, or what were the motives of the individuals taking part. The nature of the source materials requires that they be interpreted with more caution than they have often received: they have as much to tell about individual perceptions as about what actually happened.     

The 2007 Presidential and Parliamentary Elections in Timor‐Leste

In the wake of the 2006 “east‐west” crisis in Timor‐Leste, the 2007 Presidential and Parliamentary elections were widely heralded as a key test of political development in the newly independent nation. This article analyses the pre‐election situation, significant electoral law changes, the emergence of new political parties, campaign incidents, poll results, and postelection negotiations over a coalition government. It concludes by reflecting on some of the wider implications for political stability in Timor‐Leste, and related developments through 2008. 1     

Parliamentary Experience in Australian Ministerial Careers 1996–2007

The study contributes the first detailed exploration of parliamentary experience in Australian ministerial careers. It examines how a dimension of parliamentary experience — holding the office of parliamentary committee chair — features in the careers of a single cohort of ministers and parliamentary secretaries appointed during the Coalition government 1996–2007. The study maps parliamentary experience on two dimensions and finds a typology of five different career paths, depending on positions held and the speed of movement between positions. Taking the analysis further, the second part of the study tracks the appointment of the five subgroups of ministers over time. This reveals patterns in the Prime Minister's ministry‐making over the life of the government. At different times particular types of ministers were selected, in response to varying political needs and the demands of career management that John Howard faced over the government's lifecycle. The study considers the argument that elite grooming processes, where aspiring leaders are tested and trained, are weakening in Australia. It does not find evidence for this proposition based on the patterns of parliamentary experience of ministers at this time.     

Parliamentary Questions as an Instrument for Geographic Representation: The Hard Case of Portugal

This article asks whether and why, in a system lacking electoral incentives to cultivate personal votes, MPs might choose to signal to geographic constituents. It explores this question by analysing the number of written parliamentary questions submitted to the Portuguese parliament on two issues – unemployment and crime – between 2009 and 2015, and asking if MPs are more inclined to table questions on specific issues when their districts suffer particularly from related problems. The article finds evidence that constituency‐level problem pressure does matter for the signalling activities of MPs, although policy specialization remains the main driver of their issue emphasis. This finding contributes new knowledge to the ongoing debate on the factors accounting for the representative relationship between MPs and constituents, by drawing attention to the importance of district‐level problem pressure as one of the drivers of issue sponsorship in parliament.     

An extempore government in Syria

Radical Politics in West Bengal. By Marcus F. Franda. Cambridge, Mass, and London, The M. I. T. Press, 1971. Pp. xiv+287. Index. £5.85.

The Urbanization Process in the Third World: Explorations in search of a Theory. By T. G. McGee. London, G. Bell and Sons, 1971. Pp. 179. £2.25.

Economic Theory and the Underdeveloped Countries. By H. Myint. New York, London, Toronto, Oxford University Press, 1971. Pp. xii+353. Index.

Tropical Development 1880–1913: Studies in Economic Progress. Edited by W. Arthur Lewis. London, George Allen &; Unwin, 1970. Pp. 346. Index. £3.25.

Modernization without Development: Thailand as an Asian Case Study. By Norman Jacobs. New York, Washington, London, Praeger Publishers (Praeger Special Studies in International Economics and Development), 1971. Pp. ix+420. Bibliog. £7.75.

Russian Agriculture: A Geographic Survey. By Leslie Symons. London, G. Bell and Sons, 1972. Pp. xii+348. Maps. Bibliog. Index. £4.00.

Agricultural Change and the Peasant Economy of South China. By Evelyn Sakakida Rawski. Cambridge, Mass., Harvard University Press, 1972. Pp. xi+282. Bibliog. Glossary. Index. £5.25.     

Don't Count Your Chickens before They're Hatched: The 2013 Italian Parliamentary and Presidential Elections

The 2013 parliamentary and presidential contests were both outstanding elections, even by Italian standards. In the former case, this was because of very high volatility and the breakthrough of the 5-Star Movement (M5S), which resulted in a hung parliament and a stalemate in the formation of a new government. In the latter, for the first time in Italian history, the incumbent President of the Republic was re-elected for a second seven-year term of office. The result of these two events was Italy's first grand coalition government, led by Enrico Letta and supported by President Napolitano. While the significance of these elections is better assessed in combination with new government's capacity to achieve economic growth and restore confidence in Italian politics, the Italian party system still remains in a state of flux.