The economic role of middle-class women in Victorian Glasgow

Abstract

It has long been recognised that working-class women in the nineteenth century participated in waged labour, albeit dependent on marital status, stage in family life cycle, and locality. Middle-class women's economic role has been less fully explored, although it has been acknowledged that they played an informal, ‘hidden’ role in the economy. This article examines the extent of middle-class women's economic activity and independence by looking in detail at a residential area of Glasgow in the period 1850-1914. The authors demonstrate that women could negotiate the parameters of a gendered and limited labour market, the legal constraints on their property rights, and social constraints on their economic freedom, in order to achieve considerable economic autonomy and influence     

Class,ethnicity and gender intertwined: Jewish women and the East London rent strikes, 1935-1940

Abstract

Feminist theorists have long debated whether gender or class position is of primary importance in shaping women's political consciousness; the consequences of ethnic or religious distinctions have not been examined as fully. This article hopes to rectify some of these oversights by focusing on the experiences of working-class, east London Jewish women involved in the pre-war rent strikes organized by the Communist-led Stepney Tenants' Defence League. It attempts to explain why so many of them became left-wing militants while their female Irish neighbors, equally marginalized, often gravitated towards the radical right. It concludes that in these close-knit communities ethnic identity proved more politically salient than did class or gender.     

Gender,work and labour history: a response to carol morgan

Carol Morgan has proposed (Women's History Review, 6[3], 1997) that in future, rather than concentrating their efforts on studying gender conflict, labour historians should research men and women's mutual struggle in the workplace. She cautions those who ignore the implications of local labour markets, regional variations and change over time in order to maximise women's subordinate role at the point of production. These are important considerations. But in her critique, Morgan probably gives insufficient weight to the conclusions of earlier writers. Her case studies on cotton and chain-making have been previously well-researched and the rationale for investigating two such disparate trades is not fully developed. Morgan's arguments are also at variance with those historians who consider home and work to be separate but interconnected. The latter advocate the adoption of a household-centred labour history, analysing both the ‘private’ and ‘public’ spheres to investigate breadwinning patterns and union     

Field-faring women: the resistance of women who worked in the fields of nineteenth-century England

In nineteenth-century England, women worked on farms at many different tasks. They frequently did laborious, repetitive work in the fields. In the 1860s this labour was defined as unfeminine by the middle class. The women who did it were described as unsexed and immoral. Working-class radicals took up and adopted this imagery in order to demand a male breadwinning wage when they fought their employers. However, the women also directly challenged their employers' authority and were frequently at odds with the development of that new male working-class respectability which stressed women's role as wives and mothers. This paper looks at the resistances of the field women and the response to their action by the radical, mainstream and feminist press of the second half of the nineteenth century. It highlights the complex relationship between class and gender.     

Gendering exploitation: the use of gender in the campaign against driving in Lancashire weaving sheds, 1886–1903[1]

Abstract

This article, by focusing on the Lancashire cotton weaving industry, explores the implications for gender relations of an organisation of the labour process characterised by the virtual absence of any differentiation of the workforce along gender lines. In the use made of gender by trade unions in their campaign against methods of pressurising workers to increase output, the construction of difference emerges as central to the structuring of gender relations. The article demonstrates further that conditions in cotton weaving engendered a female identity that revolved around women weavers' ability to perform a skilled job. Failure to attain this standard of proficiency at work resulted in despair, leading in extreme cases to such women committing suicide.     

Unemployed women in inter-war Britain: the case of the Lancashire weaving district 1

Abstract

Women made up a high proportion of the inter-war workforce of the Lancashire weaving district but were concentrated in a cotton industry seriously affected by a collapse in exports. Consequently, in contrast with national experience, they had higher levels of recorded unemployment than men. Exceptionally high levels among married women led to suggestions that many such applicants for benefit were manipulating unemployment insurance regulations. However, evidence suggests that this resulted from difficulties in re-entering a tight labour market after necessary withdrawal, reinforced by employer and trade union practice and discriminatory social policies. Moreover, all women suffered from limited local diversification of women's employment opportunity while multi-income domestic economies inhibited migration.     

Gendered perceptions: women in the labour market in Poland

Abstract

This paper considers the consequences of economic and political change in the early 1990s for women's situation in the Polish labour market. New types of employment emerged in various sectors of the Polish economy around the mid-1970s. Some, such as finance, insurance, education and health care became highly feminised. Under the Communist system, many regulations were introduced to allow women to combine paid labour with taking care of the household. In the new post-Communist economic situation, these gender-specific regulations work against women, making them less attractive to employers. In a situation of high unemployment, employers in the growing private sector can afford to make specific demands of their employees: that they be young, male, and mobile. Women are thus in a worse situation in the labour market even though they are often more educated than the men with whom they must compete for work. There is urgent need to introduce mechanisms to create a more equal labour market.     

Performance Anxieties

Drawing on the narratives of 23 un(der)employed trans women residing in Ontario, British Columbia, Canada and Washington State in the USA, this article explores the connections between affect, gender and labour in post-Fordist society. Post-Fordism is characterised in part by the putting to work of immaterial labour. Workers' whole personalities are harnessed to produce value for capital through evoking feelings of satisfaction, security and contentment amongst consumers. While women's employment rates have increased dramatically within post-Fordism, I argue that trans women's experiences of marginalisation within and expulsion from the workplace points to the narrow parameters of femininity deemed capable of producing such positive feelings. Trans women's visible, audible and behavioural cues of gender alterity lend insight into criteria that position some women employable and others disposable.     

The gendered geography of the english co-operative movement at the turn of the nineteenth century

Abstract

This article examines the gender politics of the English Cooperative Movement between 1880 and 1920 from the perspective of geographic space. It shows which sections of the country were most likely to exclude women from participating in the government of co-operative enterprises and offers explanations for their exclusion. Using numerical data compiled by the Women's Co-operative Guild to illustrate its points, the article finds that male co-operators in the north-west were more likely than those in the south to deny women access to management committees and national offices. It argues that men in the north-west countered women's demands for public roles with an increased insistence on domesticity for wives, and it attributes the more generous attitudes of male co-operators in the south to their need to attract women to their struggling stores as shoppers. In the north-west, Co-operation was prosperous and well established; men there had no need to curry the favor of working-class housewives to guarantee the success of their establishments     

Women's right to work: The interplay of state,market and women's agency

This article addresses questions central to the conception of women's citizenship: Do women have the same right to wage work as men have? That is, do women have the same access to and chances to keep jobs as men? Is women's right to employment perceived as an individual right, disconnected from men's traditional prerogative to hold jobs as breadwinners? Women's right to work is conceptualized as a complex structural and ideological construct, shaped by the interplay of the labour market, welfare state and women's agency. The empirical analysis takes one of the Scandinavian welfare states, Norway, as its main case. The study concludes that women's individual right to work was significantly strengthened from the late 1970s to the mid-1990s.     

‘Fresh attractions’: white slaveryand feminism in New Zealand, 1885–1918

Abstract

New Zealand women participated in an international debate over white slavery from the late nineteenth century. Features of that debate were common to several countries, but local commentators drew upon New Zealand's colonial position to evoke images of old-world ills in a new country. Ironically, however, New Zealand women were not convinced of the existence of white slavery in their country. As part of a catalogue of men's sexual and social oppression of women, the portrayal of gender relations in the anti-white slavery campaign was stark, but deliberate. In their demands that men take responsibility for ensuring that women had the right to walk the streets in safety, New Zealand feminists deployed the rhetoric of white slavery to argue for women's sexual and social freedom.     

Gender construction at work in Icelandic fish plants

In this article we present the results of our studies of gender construction at work in Icelandic fish plants. Our aim is to contribute to the understanding of the processes involved in the gendering of jobs, labour and the organization of work and their interrelations. We argue that an examination of these factors can shed light on larger questions of gender segregation, women's lower position in the labour force and how gender categories and identities are constructed and reconstructed in the workplace.     

Book Review: Work,children and gender equality

The motivating concern behind this article is that women, in the diversity of their ages, life situations, cultural traditions of gender and actual sexual connections to men, are still marginalized by prevailing approaches to HIV and AIDS. Safe sexual practices for women, within social contexts and actual sexual relations with men, are not being approached in ways that engage women's (or their male partners') active involvement. Conventional heterosexual distinctions between women's and men's sexuality disables prevention processes. Categories and perspectives which prevail in ''interpreting'' the HIV/ AIDS epidemic, inhibitions and assumptions framing sexual safety information, and cultural narratives of gendered love/desire/sex, converge into two highly problematic outcomes: a dissociation of heterosexually-defined men who have sex with women from central responsibility for HIV prevention, and marginalization of women who have sex with men from concern about women's sexual safety.     

‘A Job That Should Be Respected’: contested visions of motherhood and English Canada's second wave women's movements, 1970–1990

ABSTRACT

This article focuses on the forgotten voices of marginalized feminist mothers—those active in welfare rights groups. These activists were primarily poor single mothers who understood motherhood differently from more mainstream feminists. Whilst they echoed mainstream feminist demands for childcare, they also supported women's right to stay at home with their children, emphasizing the role of the state. This presented a serious class-based critique in a society that increasingly saw stay-at-home motherhood as a middle-class option. This article focuses upon working-class mothers' groups, thus problematizing dominant feminist discourses and developing a more diverse history of second wave feminism in Canada.     

Women,Wives and the Campaign Against Pit Closures in County Durham: Understanding the Vane Tempest Vigil

The majority of the women who campaigned to save the Vane Tempest Colliery from closure in 1993 were involved because of their political understanding and allegiances rather than as a consequence of their practical involvement in mining life. Even those women who were married to miners did not conform to the stereotypical conception of ‘miner's wife’. However, the supporting labour movement and the media persisted in conceptualizing the Women's Vigil through romantic and masculinist discourses of miners and mining communities which could only locate the women as ‘wives’, which confined the campaign within historical stereotypes no longer appropriate to the actual situation and which persistently set the idea of socialism against that of feminism. This not only situated the women's campaign as secondary and subject to that of the NUM but it also subverted the possibilities of the women fully articulating their own experience and understanding within the campaign. The situation was further complicated by memories of the miners' strike of 1984-5 in which women played such an important role. One aspect of this role, that of maintaining mining families in the face of hardship, continued to inform understanding of the women's role in the fight to prevent closure, although it was no longer appropriate.The Women's Vigil engaged with a much wider set of concerns and with a wider range of individuals and groups than did that of the miners themselves. There were serious possibilities for broadening the political campaign around the women's slogan of ‘Jobs, community and environment’ which were never fully exploited because of the difficulties of admitting that women could inhabit any position other than that of ‘miners’ wives'.This experience of the Vane Tempest Vigil indicates the significance and the centrality of gender issues within class based political action.     

A course of one's own: The rhetorical self in educational life stories by women

Education has been the main channel through which Finnish women have attempted to achieve the status of ''the individual''. But what has the story of women's individualization been like? Can women seek individual status specifically as women? This article examines how women use biographical work in their educational life stories to relate to their own gender. The women used various constructions the self as vehicles for processing their views of themselves, as they sought dignity and recognition as individuals. Different selves served to locate the protagonist in different ways within an ''ideology of the individual'' . The life stories about the attainment of adulthood and independence suggest that, despite their formal equality, Finnish women do not necessarily enjoy clear social standing as individuals.     

The hazards of localism: a reply to John K. Walton

This article takes the position that national leaders and national events have a local impact and therefore that social phenomena are more than the products of local conditions. It maintains that a national working-class culture existed a century ago and that a national consensus about appropriate gender roles did as well. It contends that historical evidence must be evaluated in accordance with the perspectives of the people of the past in order to achieve an imaginative understanding of the past. In the case of the Co-operative movement, a failure to attend to the voice of its women's Guild results in historians dismissing the importance of the campaigns for open membership and for bringing Co-operation within reach of the poor. In particular, it minimizes the gender prejudice women in the movement confronted, even in the weaving districts where some historians have argued that gender roles were flexible.     

Beyond hagiography: new books on gay and lesbian life writing

Abstract

The records of women's rights organisations active in Birmingham during the 1870s and 1880s indicate that these societies were dominated by women and men from families connected with the city's leading Unitarian chapel, the Church of the Messiah. In this article, I explore this phenomenon as a way of illuminating the relationship between religious belief and feminist activism. The shared social, economic and political values and progressive outlook of the Unitarian elite underpinned their emergence as a feminist network. This collective reformist consciousness was channelled into concern to improve the position of women by the ‘feminist gospel’ preached by Henry Crosskey, the minister of the chapel from 1869 to 1893. Furthermore, Crosskey's influential role, along with the substantial presence of other Unitarian men in local women's rights associations, reveals how denominational affiliation could operate to stimulate male support for feminism.     

Room of One's Own: 1920s Feminist Utopias

Virginia Woolf's aspiration in A Room of One's Own (1929) for a private space and independence for the 'uneducated' women who would write fiction was echoed in Jipping Street (1928), the fictional autobiography of the working-class Kathleen Woodward, as well as by numerous other women during the period. This article asks why this wish for a room emerged in the twenties, and what is shows about the political affect of feminism at that time. One of the effects of post-suffrage feminism was that working-class women's experience began to be not only observed but listened to, written down and published, but real changes in the legal and economic position of women only came slowly. Both Woolf's polemic and Woodward's fictional autobiography are diatribes against poverty and laments for women's wasted lives. Neither idealized suffering; poverty in their texts was an injustice that aroused anger, not a state of abjection or redemption which required an anguished identification. When these two books were published, just after women's suffrage was achieved, hopes were high. The thirties were a more brutal decade, with unemployment and the growth of fascism, and Woolf's Three Guineas (1938) is darker in tone. Neither Woolf nor Woodward had faith in conventional politics. Instead both writers chose silence, solitude and the aesthetic seduction of words and thoughts. Neither wanted to enter the world of men, but nor did they want to live lives like their mothers. Both these books require of women an inner change. The room represents a transitional space. There was no clear vision of the future yet. As so often with feminist thought, the wish is for a break with the past, a resistance to culture and a change in human nature.