爱国诗人张际亮思想的三重历程

张际亮为清朝嘉道诗坛上的爱国诗人 ,其一生思想复杂 ,经历了“学人时期” ,“狂士时期” ,“志士时期”3个阶段。总的说 ,张际亮的一生是“志士”的一生。从他思想的复杂性 ,可折射出中国文人由古代向近代过渡时思想变化的大致情形。     

人的一生能做些什么？

人的一生到底做些什么,这一生才不算白活？这是一个使人困惑的问题。一个人从懂事开始,只要不是白痴,在这件事上,都会有少年的烦恼,成年的迷茫,老年的无奈。     

怀念李立三同志

李立三同志是中国共产党的优秀党员，是无产阶级革命家，是中国工人运动的杰出领导人。他为中国人民的伟大革命事业奋斗了几十年，始终忠于党，忠于无产阶级，忠于人民，忠于祖国。他的一生是革命的一生，战斗的一生。他在各个时期和不同的岗位上，兢兢业业，勤勤恳恳，为党、为人民作出了重要的贡献。我曾在工作中多次接触到李立三同志。记得１９４５年在延安召开的党的第七次全国代表大会上，李立三同志被提名为中央委员候选人，我曾作为代表诚心诚意地投了赞成票。我在山西，尤其是在华北工会工作时，曾多次列席全总党组会议，聆听过李立…     

在纪念项英同志诞辰100周年座谈会上的讲话

在纪念项英同志诞辰１００周年座谈会上的讲话张丁华在纪念项英同志诞辰１００周年的日子里，我们深切地缅怀这位共产主义的忠诚战士和中国工人运动的先驱！项英同志的一生是革命的一生。他在为中国革命英勇奋斗的历程中，近半数的时间一直从事工人运动。他亲身经历和领...     

圣地游戏(连载之一)

“2003年竟然是农历羊年,是藏历水羊年,即卡瓦格博60年一遇的最大转山年。水羊年为念青卡瓦格博的本命年,几乎拨动了整个藏民族的同往之心。常人一生能有第二个60年么?生命的短暂使人动心于一生难逢一回的盛会。参加这样的盛会使人对留念生命、肯定生命有了个无意识表达的最佳契机。”     

音乐与人

音乐这种艺术,给我们的生活带来了快乐与欣慰。其实,人的一生都离不开音乐,《摇篮曲》、《结婚进行曲》和《葬礼进行曲》可谓人生三部曲,人的一生都有音乐相伴,使我们的生命更加绚丽多彩,让我们感受到人生的美丽与生活的美好。     

影响你的那几个人

人的一生看似是和许许多多的人在打交道,但彼此多为匆匆的过客,真正让你费神,让你伤脑筋的,其实也就是你身边的那几个人。非洲草场上,上百万只犀牛迁移时,景象十分壮观,     

快乐墓地

在非洲一个叫撒拉的小镇上,有一位叫布基的老人,布基的一生都过得很不愉快。究其原因,无非是他人生的许多目标都没有实现。好在,布基在临死前一段时间里,终于认识到,其实自己的一生,并不比旁人少多少,甚至是比上不足,比下有余。这时他才醒悟道,人无论是在什么情况下,都不应该以牺牲自己的情绪为代价。但他的认识已经太晚了,因为这时他已经从大夫那里得知了自己大概的死期。布基不知道自己在临死前还能做些什么。他希望世上所有的人都不要像他。他想啊想,最后终于想好要为后人写下一些字。他的墓碑是这样写的: 我是一个本应该快乐的人,虽然我的一生也遇到了许多麻烦,但我相信,这一切都并不严重。我却因为这些并不严重的原因而一生不愉快。我是多么傻啊!我希望活着的人们不要像我。不要总是让自己处于烦恼的不快乐之中,自寻烦恼大概是人生最大的自我冤枉。你何必要冤枉自己呢,不要这样。     

地震中，女财务总监与民工的生死情缘

俗话说，患难见真情，生死结良缘。他俩就是因为“5·12”大地震被困在废墟下的时候，患难与共，在生死未卜之时，许下了厮守一生的诺言：如果能活着出去，一定真心相爱厮守一生……这是一个感人肺腑的真实故事，这是一个催人泪下的美丽传奇。这个故事就发生在汶川大地震的重灾区北川县城。     

植物自卫与仿生农药

在生物学界，人们曾反复考虑这样一个问题：绿色植物的一生，春发芽，夏长叶，秋结果，看起来逍遥自在，与世无争，实际上却无时无刻不遭受着害虫的攻击，时刻面临灭顶之灾．何以仍能生息繁衍？生物学家作过详实的调查研究：一只雌性害虫，每胎可产卵几百粒，甚至上千粒，一生能生育十几代，     

Sa`id Ahmad Al-Jinahi’s I was in Dhufar: gendered militarization and modern space in revolutionary Oman

Sa`id Ahmad Al-Jinahi’s journalistic account of the Dhufar Revolution (1965–1976) seeks to define an aspirational revolutionary modernity by describing how militarization has the potential to transform gender roles in Dhufar. For Jinahi, revolutionary masculinity is the combination of an ideological commitment to armed liberationist struggle and the physical ability to master Dhufar’s challenging natural environment. Inside militarized spaces, both men and women may participate in this masculinity. Once Jinahi encounters women outside of these spaces, however, he sees them as sexual objects rather than as revolutionary comrades. This article argues that Jinahi articulates an aspirational modernity by, first, connecting Dhufar to a global space of liberationist struggles and, second, emphasizing an ideologically infused and environmentally savvy masculinity that strictly limits female participation to militarized spaces and proscribes women’s agency outside the physical boundaries of revolutionary armed struggle.     

Rethinking Monastic Suppressions in Revolutionary and Napoleonic Italy: how women religious negotiated for their communities

Female religious communities and individual women religious confronted the monastic suppressions in late eighteenth and early nineteenth century Italy by actively negotiating with authorities both during and after the suppression decrees. The lack of the voices of the suppressed women religious in current scholarship has led scholars to argue for top-down, predetermined reorganization and destruction of religious life in revolutionary and Napoleonic Italy. A comparison of the three main suppression decrees reveals, instead, an evolving approach to religious institutions during this period. The petitions by women religious underscore how compromise and accommodation characterized the interactions between female communities and local and central authorities. The suppression of monasteries was not imposed on monastic women unilaterally; rather, these women actively negotiated the suppressions to optimize the outcome for their communities and for themselves.     

The only solution is revolution: the Spanish Confederación Nacional de Trabajo and the problem of unemployment in Republican Spain, 1931–1933

Although the Great Depression has been the subject of much research, focus normally centers on the impact instead of the tactics developed by working-class organizations to tackle the problems it caused, specifically unemployment. Recent research has sought to fill this gap, but numerous areas remain uncovered. This paper covers two of these: the situation in Spain and the reaction of anarcho-syndicalist union – the Confederación Nacional de Trabajo. Spain presents an anomalous case; a country that saw the replacement of a semi-fascist dictatorship by a democracy in the 1930s. Furthermore, the fact that the initial government of the Spanish Second Republic included the Socialists provides an opportunity of comparing and contrasting the positions and policies of reformist and revolutionary workers’ organizations. The study is based on predominantly on articles appearing in the CNT newspaper Solidaridad Obrera. The conclusion reached is that for the CNT rising unemployment was a symptom of an irreversible trend in a failing capitalist system, which could only be solved by the revolutionary overthrow of that system. Nonetheless, the union had to present plausible solutions to ameliorate the conditions of the workers to attract the unemployed and thus, create a force strong enough to lead that revolutionary change.     

Agrarian reform and the transition to socialism in Chile, 1970–1973

The purpose of this article is to examine Popular Unity's agrarian policy in the light of the failure of the revolutionary forces to capture power and initiate a transition to socialism in Chile. We argue that Popular Unity's agrarian policy reflects the limitations and contradictions of its strategy to power. Although Allende's agrarian reform was extensive, drastic and rapidly executed, it nevertheless limited the peasantry's contribution to the revolutionary struggle for power. In the first part we briefly examine the agrarian legacy left by the Christian Democrat government of Frei to the Popular Unity and present the agrarian programme of Allende's government. We proceed in the second part with an analysis of peasant mobilisation and organisation, focusing on land seizures and peasant councils. In the third part we devote our attention to the organisation and functioning of the expropriated latifundia, which constituted the reformed sector, and examine why socialist relations of production failed to develop. Finally, in the fourth part, we attempt an assessment of Popular Unity's agrarian policy from the viewpoint of the accumulation of revolutionary forces in the rural sector by highlighting some of its contradictions.     

Marxism and the vernacular revolutionary traditions

ABSTRACT

Marxism has been the name increasingly given by friend and foe to contemporary radical revolutionary movements in the last couple of centuries. That opens the seldom-asked question, what about the radical revolutionary movements and ideas which could not be so described? For them the collective term often used negatively was ‘vulgar’, or, less negative but still unacceptable to Marxists, ‘utopian’ and ‘vernacular’. That last turn indicated spontaneous radicalism of the lower classes, which lack the incise language (polish?) of academic debate. The Oxford Dictionary defines ‘vernacular’ as the ‘language spoken in particular area by a particular group especially one that is not the official or written language’. It introduced often a history-passed-and-third-worldly accentuation. Experience has shown that most effective revolutionary movements were led by a group representing a mixture (interdependence?) of Marxism with vernacular radicalism, often described as Marxism with a ‘xxxx’ face (Chinese or Czechoslovak or something else). One can even conclude that for Marxism to make way it must link with radical local tradition, definitely not-Marxist. Moreover, it doesn’t quite ‘work’ singly, for its success depends on the mixture of Marxism and non-Marxism. It seems that particular role in that confrontation is defined by a conceptual (ideological?) set of collectively dominant ideas or ‘idols’. If so, a major blocking force to the advance of Marxist movements is, on top of the power of the existing state and political economy, some prevailing ideological elements accepted by the ‘masses’ since the Second International. Those would be ‘purism’, ‘scientism’, ‘progressivism’ and ‘statism’. We shall eventually touch in that context on supporting the revolutionary vernacular of the People’s Will party of Russia, its implications and its relations to Marx’s own Marxism.     

A Look Back at Anger: the Women's Liberation Movement in 1978

The British Women's Liberation Movement (WLM) has received scarce attention from historians, though many women have published first‐hand accounts. These accounts are usually from a socialist feminist perspective, which tends to silence or disparage revolutionary feminist actions and ideas. Archival and oral history research on the WLM's last National Conference in Birmingham in 1978 illuminates how such a perspective is partial and in need of revision. The conference witnessed bitter disagreements, with the final plenary session degenerating into chaos as women debated the merits of resolutions relating to sexuality and violence against women. This article reconstructs the events leading up to the plenary, and interrogates the often implicit but rarely explicit notion that a particular group of revolutionary feminists was responsible for the breakdown of the Conference, and with it, the WLM as a political force.     

恩格斯早年工人权益保障思想及其启示 ——基于《英国工人阶级状况》的思考

《英国工人阶级状况》是一部极具现实性、批判性、革命性的纪实著作。通过深入调查,在《英国工人阶级状况》中恩格斯将资本家对工人的压迫揭露得淋漓尽致,并在其中提出了保障工人饮食、住房、医疗、受教育权利等权益保障思想。这些思想具有极强的人民性、革命性、平等性,对我国当下提升新时代工人阶级的获得感、幸福感和安全感具有重要意义。研究认为:可通过加强工会组织建设,发挥工会作用,切实维护工人阶级利益等来提升其获得感;通过提升新时代工人阶级的思想修养,充实工人阶级的精神世界等来提高其幸福感;通过完善法律法规等以增强其安全感。     

中国雇农工会的发展与演变

雇农工会是中国革命中的一个极为重要的组织现象,是中共在马克思主义指导下结合中国实际 进行的一次伟大革命实践。雇农工会经历了理论准备与实践探索、初步建立与缓慢发展、快速发展与消亡等历 史时期。雇农工会的发展是多种因素综合作用的结果,在其发展过程中,构建了工会的三维合法性基础,即意 识形态合法性、组织形态合法性和革命行动合法性。雇农工会工作与城市工会工作共同构成中共领导下工会工 作的“一体两面”,统一于中国革命的历史进程,为中共执掌全国政权奠定了治理基础,同时也为当前背景下 加强党的领导、推进工会工作提供了历史启示。     

gendered politics of alienation and power restoration: Arab revolutions and women’s sentiments of loss and despair

From the start of the Arab revolutions in late 2010, a connection between the law, state, political economy, gender norms and orientalist ideology has formed the foundation of women’s systematic exclusion from politics. By unmasking processes in Egypt that have created the ideological and material conditions of externalising women’s revolutionary acts, estranging their political involvement, and exposing them to various forms of violence, this article offers a gendered political reading of the concept of alienation. The article suggests that gender-normative ideology’s characterisation of women’s images, roles and acts during and after revolutions, corresponds to the most profound form of alienation. The article identifies the externalisation and subjugation of women, and objectification of their revolutionary acts as modes of alienation. Moreover, it proposes that the implementing of these modes of alienation are necessary for creating conditions that allow for the reconfiguration of power dynamics that restore the authoritarian power of the state. This discussion suggests that the sphere of politics not only relates to political activism and conflict between revolutions and counter-revolutions, but that it is also a battlefield for the (re)production of gender-normative knowledge.