Researching Private Security Consumption

This paper has two objectives: to provide an exploratory analysis of the rationalities and constraints that shape consumption of private security within organizations and to discuss some of the issues and questions that need to be addressed in future empirical studies of private security use by organizations. It is based largely on seven semi-directed interviews conducted with security managers, six of whom work in the private sector. While these security managers distanced themselves from responsibility for actual security consumption, arguing that they lack the capacity to make such decisions, they exercise considerable influence over the demand for private security within their organizations. Although all participants noted the relative ease with which they can convince their superiors to invest in security, they also indicated that security must have a demonstrated value-added component for the organization (often in money terms). Furthermore, executives expect security to be minimally intrusive and/or disruptive. This paper reports preliminary results of research on an under-investigated topic; it also builds on the methodological decisions and findings in this research to provide useful information to scholars interested in researching private security consumption in organizations.     

美国保安服务业的特点及其借鉴

美国是保安服务业发展最早的国家,也是当今世界保安业最发达的国家之一。而我国保安服务业起步较晚,专业化程度和服务质量都处于较低层次。研究美国保安服务业的特点,借鉴其发展经验,将有利于发展和壮大我国保安服务业。     

Private Military and Security Companies and the Liberal Conception of Violence

Abstract

The institution of war is the broad framework of rules, norms, and organizations dedicated to the prevention, prosecution, and resolution of violent conflict between political entities. Important parts of that institution consist of the accountability arrangements that hold between armed forces, the political leaders who oversee and direct the use of those forces, and the people in whose name the leaders act and from whose ranks the members of the armed forces are drawn. Like other parts of the institution, these arrangements are responsive to changes in military technology and needs, to geopolitical facts, and to moral and political norms. In particular, they are sensitive to the forms that military organization takes. Since the emergence of modern states in Europe some 500 years ago, there have been three main such forms: private providers—in the form of mercenaries, in early modern Europe—then professional standing armies, which in turn developed into citizen armies. Although elements of the three organizations have coexisted in many armies, the citizen army model has dominated until recently. That model brought with it a particular conception of the accountability relations between the army, the state, and the people. The state had authority over and directed the army, which was accountable to it. In turn the state was accountable for its use of the army to the people, on whose behalf it acted.

The dominance of state authority over the military is now under strain, with the professional and private elements—in the form of private military and security companies (PMSCs)—having increasing importance. As those elements increase in power and presence, so it becomes more difficult to make the state accountable to the people for its use of the military, and more difficult for the people to act as a restraining force on the way in which the military used.

In this essay, I outline and assess these developments—with particular emphasis on the emergence of PMSCs—in the light of a liberal view of (political) violence. The essay focuses on the situation in the United States, which possesses by far the most important military force in the world today, and in which the use of PMSCs is most developed. The paper has three main sections and a brief conclusion: the first section sketches the liberal view of violence and its implications for organizations dedicated to its use; the second outlines the salient characteristics of the three historically dominant forms of armies; and the third looks at the current situation in which the three forms coexist uneasily.     

Private Security: Enforcing Corporate Security Policy Using Private Investigators

This article focuses on the use of private investigators as external agents, commissioned to enforce internal corporate security policy. After describing the sorts of services private investigators provide to industry and commerce and the legal contexts within which they operate, it considers private investigators as a form of secret police within private justice systems defined by companies. It considers the relationship between notions of public good and commercial expediency and raises important questions about the problem of controlling activities which are purposefully kept from legal scrutiny.     

Accountability for Private Military and Security Contractors in the International Legal Regime

Abstract

The rapidly growing presence of private military and security contractors (PMSCs) in armed conflict and post-conflict situations in the last decade brought corresponding incidents of serious misconduct by PMSC personnel. The two most infamous events—one involving the firm formerly known as Blackwater and the other involving Titan and CACI—engendered scrutiny of available mechanisms for criminal and civil accountability of the individuals whose misconduct caused the harm. Along a parallel track, scholars and policymakers began examining the responsibility of states and international organizations for the harm that occurred. Both approaches have primarily focused on post-conduct accountability—of the individuals who caused the harm, of the state in which the harm occurred, or of the state or organization that hired the PMSC whose personnel caused the harm. Less attention, however, has been paid to the idea of pre-conduct accountability for PMSCs and their personnel. A broad understanding of “accountability for” PMSCs and their personnel encompasses not only responsibility for harm caused by conduct, but responsibility for hiring, hosting, and monitoring these entities, as well as responsibility to the victims of the harm. This article provides a comprehensive approach for analyzing the existing international legal regime, and whether and to what extent the legal regime provides “accountability for” PMSCs and their personnel. It does so by proposing a practical construct of three phases based on PMSC operations—Contracting, In-the-Field, and Post-Conduct—with which to assess the various bodies of international law.     

Revisiting the Role of Private Military and Security Companies

Abstract

This essay addresses the role of private military and security companies (PMSCs) in security governance. In this context, it offers a historical overview of some of the main developments in the evolution of private warfare and critically discusses some of the key challenges confronting the quest for holding PMSCs accountable in accordance with international human rights and humanitarian norms.     

Unaccountable: The Current State of Private Military and Security Companies

Abstract

The current accountability system for private military and security contractors (PMSCs) is woefully inadequate, and mere enhancements in oversight cannot hope to remedy that failing. I contend that once we recognize the kind of accountability required of PMSCs, we will realize that radical changes in the foundational relationship between PMSCs and the state are required. More specifically, in order to be appropriately accountable, members of PMSCs must become a part of or, at the very least, directly responsible to the legitimate authoritative military or police structures, and there must be a clear and precise delineation of responsibility among public officials for holding individual members of PMSCs criminally liable.     

Legal Security from the Point of View of the Philosophy of Law

Abstract. The author analyses the concept of legal security from its historical evolution to its main structural aspects. In the first part he argues that legal security is a historical and cultural concept of the modern world. He considers a series of factors which lead from the general concept of security generated by an ideological monism and the social rigidity characterizing the Middle Ages to the concept of legal security protected by the legal monism of the modern state, where legal security, understood as formal or procedural justice, has become a principle inspiring the entire legal system. Then he considers legal security in the social state as the expression of the relationship between man and his social needs. In the second part the author makes a structural analysis of the concept of legal security in a modern legal order, identifying the different spheres in which it can be found: state,—focusing on procedural guarantees as limits to power—, law—considering the internal functioning of the legal system—, society—stressing the effects of the action of the social state on the idea of legal security.     

Public-private partnerships in the fight against terrorism?

Based on a case study of the role of private financial institutions in the fight against terrorist financing, this article examines the rationales for, and actual results of, public-private partnerships in counterterrorism. It shows that there is still a lack of appreciation of the roles that regular private business play, both willingly and unwillingly, in the fight against terrorism. As profit, rather than security, maximizers, private sector actors may decide to take certain security risks rather than addressing them directly, which in contrast is expected from public agencies. As a consequence, public-private partnerships have not been the silver bullet that the representatives of public agencies had hoped for since 9/11. In fact, to many private sector representatives, they are more akin to public-private dictatorships.     

A U.N. Convention to Regulate PMSCs?

Abstract

In the last 20 years the ruthless competition for natural resources, political instability, armed conflicts, and the terrorist attacks of 9/11 have paved the way for private military and security companies (PMSCs) to operate in areas which were until recently the preserve of the state. PMSCs, less regulated than the toy industry, commit grave human rights violations with impunity. The United Nations has elaborated an international binding instrument to regulate their activities but the opposition of the U.S., U.K., and other Western governments—and from PMSCs, which prefer self-regulation—have prevented any advancement.     

The Coevolution of Public and Private Security in Nineteenth‐Century Chicago

The coevolution of private detective agencies and municipal police bureaucracies in mid‐nineteenth‐century Chicago arose from the breakdown of an older system in which the provision of law enforcement was delegated to local communities. The growth of anonymity and the presence of strangers in a city undergoing massive changes in transportation undermined this delegative system and created the perception of new public security threats. These threats were compounded by the mobilization of ethnicity in partisan politics. To address these new concerns, political and e conomic elites did not innovate, but turned to traditional practices like special deputization. The use of deputization allowed some law officers to sell their services as entrepreneurs to private firms, while also paving the way for a new bureaucratic police department. Networks of security providers locked in this transformation and made public and private policing alike a permanent feature of the city's institutional landscape.     

What's So Private about Private Ordering?

Private ordering—i.e., development of extralegal forums and forms of dispute processing by nonhierarchical groups—has preoccupied legal economists for nearly three decades. According to the prevailing analysis, private orders grow in socially‐flat market communities without any intervention by the state. This article challenges the received view on two fronts: First, it establishes a causal connection between the development of private orders and a social hierarchy. Second, the article demonstrates that the state often intentionally assumes a proactive role in the creation of these orders. To illustrate this two‐pronged theory of private ordering, this article offers a detailed analysis of three well‐known cases that have been considered prototypes of private ordering by market communities: the Diamond Dealers Club of New York, the kibbutz in Israel, and ranch owners in Shasta County, California. Finally, the article argues for a need to re‐evaluate the feasibility and desirability of private ordering and privatization of law.     

Powers and Accountability of Private Police

Substantial growth in private policing has been documented in countries throughout the world, and the division of responsibilities for policing between public and private authorities has become increasingly blurred and contested during the last three decades. Because private policing is so frequently assessed on the basis of criteria established with respect to the public police, substantial myths have developed about the powers and accountability of private police; specifically, it is commonly asserted that private police have no significant power(s), and are essentially not accountable, in comparison with the public police. The author argues that such assertions misrepresent the very substantial coercive power of private police as well as the variety of mechanisms through which they may be held accountable, and also commonly exaggerate the effective accountability of the public police. The author concludes that a greater appreciation of the actual power and accountability of private police will provide an improved basis for the development of sound public policy with respect to both private and public policing, and with respect to appropriate relationships between private and public policing organisations.     

A Note on Taiwan's National Security Council and its Role in Antiterrorism

While the U.S. struggled to quickly mobilize a coordinated national homeland security office after the September 11 attacks, the National Security Council (NSC) has been responsible for monitoring security in the Republic of China since the Nationalists moved to Taiwan in 1949. Although its primary mission has been to prevent Taiwan from being invaded by Mainland China, recent world events have awakened us to a need for security, a need that seemed to have faded away after the end of the Cold War. Although not a strong probability, Taiwan is still a possible target of terrorism because of its close relationship with the U.S. Thus, it is worthwhile to explore the role of NSC in antiterrorist efforts. The NSC plays a vital role in coordinating executive agencies in antiterrorism efforts. The NSC's antiterrorist measures cover the whole spectrum of the executive branch ranging from law enforcement to non‐law enforcement efforts. The tradition of collaboration among the military, police, and private security in Taiwan may help the NSC to smoothly coordinate these three parties.     

城市反恐重要目标安全防范试点与研究

“9·11”以来,国际恐怖活动与反恐斗争的较量已经持续了十余年,但以全球化为背景的恐怖主义威胁不仅没有消失,反而持续存在且更加突出.“三股势力”和由于各种原因导致的个体暴力恐怖威胁将成为今后相当长一段时间内影响我国安全与稳定的主要因素.借鉴国内外相关研究和城市反恐试点单位的成功做法,提出如下对策建议：一是建立党政领导,部门参与的反恐防范工作格局;二是加强防范恐怖犯罪公众教育,增强公众的防范意识;三是建立统一高效的情报信息工作机制;四是明确责任,建章立制,夯实基础;五是制定应对预案,通过演练予以巩固完善;六是强化检查考核,促进防范责任和措施落实.     

The Aftermath of 11 September 2001: Liberty vs. Security before the Supreme Court of Canada

The terrorist acts of 11 September 2001 and the war on terrorismthat followed have induced a pervasive sense of insecurity inCanada, as elsewhere, and brought about a shift of public policytowards a confinement of security risks in a global era. Inthe polity, as in the legal sphere, there has been an obviousshift of paradigm, from liberty to security. In December 2001,Canada passed an Anti-Terrorism Act. As far as human rightsand freedoms are concerned, the Anti-Terrorism Act is a farcry from the draconian measures of the American Patriot Act,with its military tribunals, incommunicado confinement, preventivedetention without charge, and potentially expeditious applicationof the death penalty. Nevertheless, the Canadian Anti-TerrorismAct remains, in nature, an emergency legislation. In particular,as will be seen here, there has been a clear change of mind,within the Supreme Court of Canada, regarding the authorityof international human rights law, at least where highly sensitivesecurity matters are involved, such as deportation of politicalrefugees suspected of being linked with terrorist organisations. To emphasize this shift in attitude, an analytical framework,allowing us to distinguish between various types of constitutionalreasoning, is needed. This heuristic device must also be sophisticatedenough to single out the emergency situation from the normalstate of affairs. This may not be apparent in day-to-day life,but, since 11 September, the concept of emergency, and the notionthat an exceptional state of affair exists, have been a majorinfluence on our political world.     

Governmental Efforts on Homeland Security and Crime: Public Views and Opinions

This paper examines views of the respondents regarding homeland security and traditional crime in the United States. Using questions from the 2007 Penn State Poll, a sample of 862 Pennsylvanians participated through a telephone interview. Participants were questioned about their concerns regarding the effectiveness of homeland security, their fear of crime (white-collar, property, violent and terrorist attacks). The results revealed that citizens were satisfied with the effectiveness of homeland security since the September 11, 2001, attacks. The results indicate that fear of crime is different for demographics, and we were able to show that those that thought homeland security had been effective increased the likelihood of fear of white-collar crime. We were also able to show demographic differences for national spending on crime. In addition, we were able to show that those who believed that homeland security was effective did not believe that national spending was at the proper level for property, violent, or white-collar crime. The implications of these results are discussed.     

我国反恐怖爆炸防控机制的建构

当前我国诱发恐怖爆炸的国际国内因素广泛存在,袭击目标向涉及国计民生的重点要害单位及重要交通枢纽转移,已经严重威胁我国的安全和稳定。我国应建立反恐怖爆炸的紧急处置机制,加强爆炸物的监管,建立健全反恐怖爆炸的情报信息研判机制,加强内部基础防范建设,构建全方位的反恐防控体系。     

Crimes and Security

This essay considers the role that the value of security might play in criminalisation. While endorsing security as a legitimate rationale for the creation of a criminal offence, it examines some existing offences that are created or structured in a particular way for security reasons. This is done through a two‐stage analysis. Stage one considers the consequences of adopting an offence or offence definition if it was interpreted ideally and complied with perfectly. Stage two considers how we can expect the offences to operate in the real world given imperfect compliance and non‐ideal interpretation.