国际社会对朝鲜发展援助探寻

国际发展援助对于援助国来说通常被作为实现国家利益的对外政策工具,而对于受援国来说,发展援助可以为本国经济建设和社会发展提供诸多帮助。因此,发展援助对于援助国和受援国双方的经济发展都具有相当积极的意义和作用,是一种具有互利和双赢效益的国家间经济合作方式和国际关系模式。根据朝鲜的要求及现实需要,国际社会对朝援助正由人道主义援助向发展援助转变。国际社会对朝发展援助目标是促进朝鲜经济、政治、社会发展,援助领域将更多地集中在基础设施建设、农业和提高行政管理能力等方面。在此过程中,需要解决如何筹措对朝援助巨额资金、如何提高对朝援助透明度和效率等课题。     

对外援助中国际信誉生成的交换与归因逻辑

当今国际社会动荡不安，国家间相互不信任感随之上升，构建一国国际信誉成为国际合作的重点与难点。作为经济外交的一部分，对外援助是一国国际信誉生成的重要方式。本文建立一个由交换结构、归因机制、兑现承诺构成的理论框架以解释对外援助中国际信誉的生成逻辑。交换结构分为议价交换结构和互惠交换结构。援助国在不同交换结构中通过兑现承诺生成不同类型的国际信誉。议价交换结构下，受援国对援助国援助行为进行情境归因，偏向于对援助双方交易性关系的感知，此时，援助国兑现援助承诺生成商品型国际信誉。互惠交换结构下，受援国对援助国援助行为进行属性归因，偏向于对援助双方社会性关系的感知，此时，援助国兑现援助承诺生成认同型国际信誉。国际信誉水平的高低则取决于援助双方的交换结构。通过20世纪70年代至今中国和欧盟对非洲援助的案例分析，验证了这一理论框架。从中可以获得启示，对外援助中要树立正确义利观，坚持互惠交换结构，建立高水平国际信誉。     

朋友与利益——国际公共产品视角下的中国对外援助

对外援助具有国际公共产品的特质,这既体现为对外援助直接为国际公共产品提供融资,也反映在对外援助是国际公共产品的重要组成,还表现在对外援助广泛惠及受援国、援助国和国际社会。中国的对外援助虽经历了援助理念、方式、资金构成的多重变迁,但基本原则和重点援助对象没有发生根本变化。对外援助体现了中国通过供给国际公共产品来赢得国际社会认同的大国诉求,也折射出对外援助的"中国模式":南南合作框架内的"平等型援助"、以弘义融利为主旨的"互惠型援助"、有利于国际社会的"增益型援助"。对外援助不仅为中国赢得了朋友,也使其收获了并将继续收获包括战略、政治、安全、经济、文化在内的多重利益。     

从印度洋海啸分析国际人道主义援助模式

2004年底发生的印度洋海啸给人类带来了一场空前的灾难,随后的国际人道主义援助无论从规模上,还是从数量上都突破了历史记录。通过对这次国际援助的分析,我们看到国际人道主义援助模式还不可能摆脱国际权力政治,依然是一个援助国和受援国之间互相作用的复杂过程。要使国际援助更加符合人道主义的本意,国际社会还需要继续培养合作意识,加强国际协调组织的建立和作用。     

中国对非洲援助的“战略平衡”问题

对非洲援助是中非关系中的重要一环,既是中非关系的利益面,也是中非关系的责任面。在国际格局和国际发展援助潮流出现重大调整的背景下,中国面临提高对非洲援助的战略性,加强在非洲的软实力建设,以及拓展对非洲援助安全内涵等新挑战。当前中国对非洲援助面临五大"战略平衡"问题:援助国和受援国双重身份的平衡;国家利益和企业利益的平衡;不干涉内政和参与非洲内部事务现实需要的平衡;加强透明度和保持对非洲援助的主导权之间的平衡;双边与多边援助合作的平衡。未来对非洲援助战略应结合中国参与全球治理的总体战略,适时调整援外体制,满足对非洲援助的战略性要求,并将重点放在推介中国发展理念和经验上。     

马来西亚国际发展援助现状及其特点

就发展援助而言,马来西亚既是受援国也是援助国。技术援助是其对外援助的主要形式,援助的区域主要集中于东盟和非洲国家,同时积极参与南南合作。马来西亚拥有独立的援助管理机构,并不断提高管理人员的能力及素质,确保援助有效实施。     

从“援助有效性”到“发展有效性”:援助理念的演变及中国经验的作用

2011年11月底12月初,经合组织发展援助委员会第四次高级别会议将在韩国釜山召开。此次会议预计将推出近一段时间以来围绕援助问题的国际反思和辩论的新成果,即从援助有效性过渡到发展有效性的国际援助新理念。从历史背景来看,金融危机的爆发、新兴发展援助国的出现以及西方传统援助国几十年来援助效果的差强人意等均推动了这一援助理念的转型。而拥有受援国和援助国双重身份的中国,不仅在过去的30年里成功管理和运用了外援来为自身的改革开放服务,在如何运用巴黎宣言五项原则方面积累了丰富的经验以及教训,而且在最近的10年里积极向其他发展中国家(特别是非洲国家)提供发展援助,并同时逐渐探索如何适应和融入全球援助体系。中国独特的双重身份、其积累的丰富经验和影响力,以及所具有的探索和分享的意愿将使中国未来在全球发展合作领域做出巨大的贡献。     

巴西对外援助的发展现状和管理体制

本文主要研究巴西对外援助的发展现状和管理体制,详细梳理了巴西对外援助的资金规模、援助方式、主要领域、地缘分布、政策演变、管理体制、存在问题及最新动向等。随着经济的迅速发展,巴西提供对外援助的意愿和能力不断增强,逐渐由净受援国向受援国和援助国双重身份转变,对外援助发展迅速。作为外交政策的一部分,巴西对外援助是其追求地区领导力和加强国际地位的有力工具,对外援助也由此体现了巴西外交政策的多重诉求。尽管近年来巴西经济有所衰退,从全球第七大经济体降至第九大经济体,但仍是拉美地区最大的发展中国家。巴西提供的技术合作在南南发展合作中扮演了重要角色,其以三方合作为代表的援助方式引起越来越多的国际关注,一定程度上改变了当前国际发展援助版图,提升了新兴援助国的话语权。巴西与中国发展阶段相似,对外援助诉求有相通之处,分析巴西对外援助的发展现状、管理体制、主要特点和存在问题,能够为中国对外援助提供参考和启示。     

拜登政府对外援助政策调整及影响北大核心

美国作为全球最大的双边援助国，在拜登政府上台后回归对外援助政策传统，相比特朗普时期进行了明显调整，主要表现在：提升对外援助的政策层级，增加政策效力；增加对外援助的资金规模，加强资源保障；强调对外援助的价值观属性，突出意识形态色彩；重视对外援助的多边渠道，发挥规范性力量的作用；调整对外援助的优先目标，加强援助议题设置。拜登政府的对外援助政策统筹了国内国际政治经济议程，通过加强意图与能力、目标与政策的连贯性和一致性，其内外影响初步显现：大幅提升对外援助在美国对外战略中的地位，力促全球国际援助的战略化、政治化、工具化趋势，并推高全球发展合作领域的对抗性风险。但受制于对外援助“内顾”倾向、美国国内矛盾激化、舆论严重极化等因素的影响，拜登政府的对外援助政策无法完全实现其预期目标。     

中国援助非洲与提升中国软实力

中国已经将软实力建设提升到国家实力构建的战略层面,对外援助是一个能将国家 的文化、意识形态和价值观及外交政策等资源综合起来以更好地展示、发挥一个国家吸引力、建设 软实力的重要途径。对非洲援助对于塑造中国和平、合作、互利和负责任的国际形象、增进世界对 中国的了解与信任等具有促进作用。但中国对外援助机制尚不成熟、中非文化的差异、援助国间的 竞争等不利因素对援非效果的发挥具有限制性作用。因此,中国应通过重点加强对外援助的制度 化建设、鼓励援非工作人员与当地的多种交流、并重视在援非领域的国际合作等方式提高中国援 非水平以提升中国软实力。     

不断加深的中柬友谊 期待完美的交往细节

中国对柬埔寨的援助不附带任何条件,以帮助对方发展经济为目的。本文在对中柬相互帮助、相互支持的论述中,提出关注细节在中国对柬埔寨援助中的重要性。     

Determinants of Foreign Aid: Rivalry and Domestic Instability

Foreign aid is usually seen as a form of international cooperation. Thus, the expectation is that states engaged in international rivalry with one another should be unlikely to provide each other aid. However, they do provide their enemies aid. We consider how situations of uncertainty influence aid transfers between states. We argue that states may provide each other aid to limit uncertainty from potential regime changes that could lead to war. Such uncertainty is particularly bad for rivals who are prone to militarized conflict. We find that rivals may provide one another foreign aid when one of the countries is experiencing regime-threatening levels of domestic instability. We compare these results to the behavior of nonrivals and find that: Rivals are likely to provide their enemies aid in times of uncertainty; rivals are no less likely to give aid to each other than are nonrivals; and rivals provide more aid during times of instability than do nonrivals.     

The Effect of Bargaining on US Economic Aid

This article is designed to explore the effect of bargaining power on the distribution of US economic aid. Conceptualizing US foreign assistance as the outcome of aid-for-policy transactions between the donor and its recipients, it shows why the bargaining issue is an integral part of US economic aid. A two-tiered stochastic frontier analysis (SFA) is then developed to integrate the bargaining effect into our empirical analysis. Applying the model to US economic aid for the period of 1976–2011, I show empirical results that strongly support the bargaining approach. The results show that the bargaining effect explains a fundamental part of the cross-recipient difference in the level of US economic aid. On average, the donor US enjoys more bargaining power. However, a huge variation in bargaining capability on the recipient side is equally noteworthy. As for the contributors to the difference, the statistical results reveal that bargaining efficiency increases with higher per capita income, ongoing civil war, violations of personal integrity rights, and a more democratic regime, on the one hand. Importing heavily from and having an active defense pact with the US, on the other hand, affect bargaining efficiency negatively.     

The Influence of Aid Changes on African Election Outcomes

Many African democracies experience highly variable aid flows. This article examines the influence of aid changes on presidential incumbent advantage in Africa. Aid changes influence the odds of incumbents winning reelection, with aid increases helping incumbents, but this effect is only present when the aid change occurs in the year before an election. Aid changes in earlier or later time periods have no influence. Case studies of elections in Ghana and Malawi reveal causal mechanisms linking aid changes to incumbent advantage and support the finding that aid changes have a limited window of influence.     

Colonial Legacy and Foreign Aid: Decomposing the Colonial Bias

It is well-known that donors give considerably more foreign aid to former colonies than to countries lacking past colonial ties. Unfortunately, we know relatively little about why this is the case. For one, there is almost never a theoretical justification for the inclusion of colonial history in statistical models. For the other, the only explicitly made rationale by Bueno de Mesquita and Smith (2009) actually predicts an interpretational problem: colonial history not only increases a former colony’s saliency to the donor, but also has left deep marks on recipients’ social and political institutions today. Both aspects shape how much aid a donor transfers to the recipient. This leaves ambiguous the meaning of the routinely found positive, sizable, and significant coefficient of colonial history on aid flows. We solve the inferential quandary by using a decomposition approach from labor econometrics. Our results show that about 75–100% of the colony effect on foreign aid stems from the greater saliency that donors give to policy concessions from former colonies.     

Frontier Justice: Legal Aid and UNHCR Refugee Status Determination in Egypt

Where UNHCR conducts refugee status determination (RSD), itsreactions to legal aid for asylum-seekers have been mixed. Statisticalevidence collected from Egypt in 2002 indicates a correlationbetween receiving some form of legal aid service and an asylum-seeker'sincreased chances of gaining refugee protection from UNHCR.Unconventional forms of legal aid, including limited servicesby supervised non-lawyers (including volunteers from the refugeecommunity) showed a positive impact on first instance cases,while traditional legal aid models showed an impact at the appealstage. Legal aid should form an essential part of UNHCR's RSDprocedures, and NGOs should work to expand both traditionaland innovative forms of legal aid for asylum-seekers.     

美国对以色列军援政策的变化及其成因

自以色列建国以来,维护其生存和安全是美国历届政府一直不变的承诺,向以色列提供军事援助就是保障其安全的重要举措。美国主要从现实主义出发,根据其全球战略的需要来决定它对以色列提供军事援助的力度。由于美国在不同时期内对全球目标特别是中东战略目标有所不同,美国对以色列的军援政策也随之变化和调整,经历了一个限制——积极——以军援为施压手段——制度化——强化的演变过程。从未来发展看,美国与以色列在相当长时期内仍然互有所需,战略盟友关系不会变,美国对以色列的军援政策也基本上不会变。     

U.S. Foreign Aid and Foreign Policy: Building Strong Relationships by Doing It Right!

Foreign aid policies cannot be more successful than their implementation, which inherently involves people and institutions. But people have their own interests and cultural frameworks, and institutions are inevitably grounded in culture and politics. Inattention to the agendas of individuals involved on both sides of foreign aid to Central and Eastern Europe played a major role in its shortcomings. A recent court decision holding two Harvard university scholars guilty of defrauding the U.S. government while running a flagship project to reform the Russian economy underscores the pitfalls in outsourcing traditional functions of government to small, well-connected groups that are not fully accountable in serving the public interest. Drawing on the author's experience studying informal systems and networks over several decades, this article illuminates the importance of foreign policy and aid relationships—how they are set up, who wins and who loses, and how their lack of accountability can contribute to the derailment of nation-building and constructive relations among countries.     

The Democracy Aid Calculus: Regimes,Political Opponents,and the Allocation of US Democracy Assistance, 1981–2009

To encourage the spread of democracy throughout the developing world, the United States provides targeted aid to governments, political parties, and other non-governmental groups and organizations. This study examines the calculations behind the allocation of democracy assistance, with special attention to the role of regime conditions and policy compatibility in the provision of aid. We argue that both concerns—the opportunity for successful democratization and critical goals related to containing and countering political opponents—are central to democracy aid allocations. We theorize how these two concerns determine the amount of aid allocated, operationalizing these concepts using measures of the original democracy level, change in the democracy level, and policy compatibility. We find support for our argument in tests of US democracy aid allocations by the US Agency for International Development (USAID) from 1981–2009.     

Civil Society,Democratization, and Foreign Aid: Civic Engagement and Public Policy in South Africa and Uganda

Drawing on comparative research in South Africa and Uganda, this article examines how far civil society organizations influence government policy and legislation and extend citizen participation in public affairs. The article also considers how far external funding influences policy engagement and outcomes. The main finding is that few civil society organizations have either a consistent level of engagement in the policy process or make a significant difference to policy outcomes. The nature of internal governance practices in galvanizing citizens' voices and the relationship to the state and political parties are the most decisive factors in civil society organizations achieving policy influence. The article concludes that the capacity of civil society organizations to offer citizens a say in decisions and to enhance pluralism may be as important as their ability to influence policy and demand accountability from state actors.