日益密切的中泰关系

中泰两国是友好的近邻,具有悠久的交往历史。1975年7月两国正式建交以来,双方在政治、经济、文化等方面的关系有了深入全面的发展。去年8月川·立派政府执政以来,继续重视和发展中泰关系,特别是经济关系。两国的友好合作有着广阔而美好的前景。政治外交关系不断加强两国领导人互访频繁,经常就双边关系、国际形势和地区性问题深入地交换意见。尽管两国政治社会制度不同,但两国都奉行和平共处五项原则,在反对强权政治、维护东南     

塔吉克斯坦与中国的文化合作——起因、现状和前景

在塔吉克斯坦与中国建立外交关系的15年中,两个邻国的关系一直呈直线上升式发展.目前两国在政治、经济和人文领域的交往达到了历史最好水平.历史遗留的边界问题已经得到彻底和圆满的解决,开放和互信成为两国和两国人民之间交往的准则.     

文化外交在当代中俄关系中的作用

冷战结束后,和平与发展成为时代主题,文化因素对国际关系的影响日益凸显,并由此产生了一种新型外交方式——文化外交。中俄两国比邻而居,有着近四百年的交往史,文化交流更是在其中起到重要作用。随着文化外交日益受到各国政府的重视,中俄文化交流不断擦出新火花。实践证明,文化外交在巩固中俄两国高层政治关系、推动经贸合作和扩大民间交往方面有不可替代的作用。     

中印关系发展的历史性机遇

中印两国友好交往源远流长,近年来两国关系的发展取得了重大进展。从两国自身利益乃至构建和谐的国际环境需要出发,中印两国应成为面向稳定和繁荣的战略合作伙伴。     

1920-1930年中国东北与苏俄远东地区经贸关系

1920—1930年，苏俄远东与中国东北地区的经贸关系迅速发展，在进出口方面中方一直出超。在当时的政治经济条件下，两国政府间的往来、两国居民的相互联系、边境贸易合作都是必要的。中俄两国边境地区居民交往密切，对双方都是有利的。     

印度汉语教学的发展状况、问题及对策思考

同属于世界文明古国的中印两国,自古以来就有文化和教育往来的传统。近年来,随着中印两国高层频繁互访,经贸往来关系不断发展,民间交往更加深入。在印度＂汉语热＂悄然兴起之际,研究印度汉语教学发展状况,探究其面临的主要问题,提出进一步加强印度汉语教学的对策建议,为促进中印教育文化交流、增进互信和发展中印两国友好关系,传播中华文明和拓展中国＂文化软实力＂等方面均具有十分重要的理论与现实意义。     

华商与中国企业走进巴西

中国是世界上最大的发展中国家,巴西是西半球最大的发展中国家。在政治上,两国的发展目标和战略,以及所面临的机遇和挑战是相似的。1993年两国建立战略伙伴关系。2013年,两国关系提升为全面战略伙伴关系。两国政治互信逐步加深,合作领域不断拓展,高层交往和对话日益频繁,彼此在国际事务中保持沟通和协调。在中资企业走进巴西方面,当地华商发挥了重要的桥梁和纽带作用,也可以为中国企业走进其它拉美国家提供重要经验和借鉴。     

人文合作在中俄全面合作中的地位

人文合作在中俄全面合作中占据着半壁江山。由于种种原因，俄罗斯许多民众对中国怀有误解和猜疑心理：文化上存在很大的差异；历史上有过领土纷争；相互间缺乏了解；两国经济实力此消彼长的负面刺激；错误的舆论导向；西方反华势力的舆论影响等。要推动中俄全面合作，必须加强人文方面的合作。为此，笔者提出了一些建议：加强两国问毗邻地区的合作与交流；扩大人文界人士的交往；加强正确的舆论导向；加强教育领域的合作；积极开展旅游合作；重视青少年的交流与教育。     

中国与东南亚国家友好城市关系缔结现状分析

中国与东南亚国家友好城市关系的建立虽然起步相对较晚,但是发展较快。双方旅游资源丰富,人文交流历史悠久,经济合作发展空间巨大,因此双方所建立的友好城市关系类型多样。本文首先分析了双方建立的188对友好城市关系,并将其主要分为5种类型,包括中心城市交往、边境城市的经济合作、其他城市的经济合作、祖源与宗教文化因素的城市交流、特定人物所牵线的友好城市等,体现出中国与东南亚地区所建立的友好城市关系类型的特色。其次,本文以中国与泰国的友好城市关系为例,以此展现出两国友好城市交往的多样性和双方公共交往的快速发展。     

中国与俄远东地区贸易的现状、发展趋势与对策

远东地处俄罗斯东部边陲,与中国东北紧密相连,中俄两国的经贸合作和交往大部分是在这两个地区之间进行的。目前俄罗斯积极发展东部经济和中国振兴东北老工业基地战略决策的实施,为两国经贸关系的发展提供了良好的机遇。俄罗斯远东地区与中国的贸易发展态势良好,两个毗邻地区贸易升级的步伐加快。     

Factors and motivations contributing to community volunteers' participation in a nursery feeding project in Malawi

This article reports on a study to explore the factors and motivations that contribute to community volunteers' participation in a nursery feeding project in Malawi. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with community volunteers in 14 of the 32 sites in the programme. The findings pointed to a mix of intrinsic motivations, namely a deep concern for orphans and vulnerable children, a moral obligation to help, and a declared love of the work undertaken, and also to external factors such as spirituality, links of reciprocity, and the building of social capital. Understanding what motivates volunteers to take part in resource-poor settings is crucial to recognising, facilitating, and sustaining the work that they do. Further research into volunteering in the South is crucially needed.     

“印太战略”:以美印日澳的战略逻辑、利益与策略选择为分析视角

"印太战略"是美国均势+有限遏制+规制+话语诋毁的混合型战略。它意在前沿、中间地带与后方的三层构建不对称的对华遏制性力量,突破中美双边、单区域战略竞争的狭窄战略空间;在多地域与多维度孤立中国,拉拢更多国家在产业价值链、数字经济等层面与中国切割;制订基础建设投资透明化的新标准,嵌入有利于美国利益的规制;通过国际法、舆论等软性手段抹黑中国的"一带一路"与海权发展。虽然共同逻辑都是制衡中国崛起,但日澳印在策略上强调非对抗性。其中避免成为中国优先反制是日本重要的策略目标;印度在拉达克边界冲突后尚没有形成一个完全倒向美国的战略,因为这必定使其背上沉重的战略包袱,成为美国的附庸;澳大利亚作为地缘政治影响有限的中等国家,在美国反华行动中冲在最前列已使其利益严重受损。而"印太战略"与东盟所推动的包容性、合作安全理念也有着本质的区别,东盟要在"印太地区"发挥中心领导作用,定位"印太"为对话与合作区域。所以由于东盟的抵制、印日澳的消极政策,这个战略形成的攻势将很难保持可持续性,其长期前景并不看好。     

PREVENT: creating “radicals” to strengthen anti-Muslim narratives

“She is of good behaviour and a good Muslim. Against this background, I accept on the evidence before me that this defendant gathered together the contents of the SD card in order to explore and understand the charges which her brothers faced. There is no evidence that she was motivated by their ideology or was preparing to follow them.” The judge in the case of Umm Ahmed clarified to the court that she had not been involved in illegality or had any intention to pose a threat to the UK. Despite this recognition, he sentenced Begum to a 12-month prison term for possessing the magazine Inspire which she had been reading to understand her charged brother’s case. What is unknown is the story of how Umm Ahmed was subjected to a deradicalisation programme, under the auspices of PREVENT and CHANNEL, without any indication of actual involvement in terrorism. The use of deradicalisation narratives in schools, universities and hospitals has led to the criminalisation of large sections of the various Muslim communities in the UK. Based on our experience of cases such as Umm Ahmed, we hope to present a view of how an aggressive anti-Muslim narrative that is based on assumptions subverts the political expression/identity of individuals by turning them into potential threats. The advocacy group CAGE has been working with Umm Ahmed in order to highlight the abuse of the terrorism narrative in her case, but also to understand the actual implementation of PREVENT and CHANNEL beyond their conceptual promotion as a safeguarding tool. By understanding the everyday interactions with PREVENT, a picture can be formed of the way that a false presentation of narratives can lead to a person becoming an “extremist” or “terrorist”, while the truth may lie in a completely alternative place.     

Political factors affecting cooperation between Italy,Greece and Turkey

The rise of political Islam in the EU's southern neighbourhood represents a political as well as conceptual challenge to the EU as a foreign policy actor. In the past, the EU reacted to this challenge based on its essentialist perception of political Islam and its overarching interest in regional stability and security. However, the growing salience of ‘contingencist’ interpretations of political Islam and the resolution of the EU's democratisation-stabilisation dilemma in the wake of the Arab Spring have recently provided an opportunity for greater engagement and cooperation. This has enabled a switch in EU policies from a strategy of containment to a strategy of engagement. Despite this, problems remain as the EU continues to expect Islamist actors to adjust to its own discursive framework and as intra-European divisions revive as a result of the renewal of secular-religious divisions in the neighbourhood. This will complicate EU attempts to build a new partnership with Islamist democracies and will fuel old stereotypes and animosities.     

新冠肺炎疫情与全球安全文化的退化

安全文化是一个社群就怎样界定安全和安全威胁、怎样保障和实现安全所达成的主体间理解和共同知识。冷战之后,全球化推动了一个全球社会的初步形成,因之也催生了一种以开放安全、共同安全与合作安全为基本内容的合作型全球安全文化的雏形。但是由于全球治理失灵,不断出现且日益积累的全球性威胁得不到有效应对,民粹现实主义强势兴起,合作型全球安全文化屡遭重创,开始向以封闭安全、孤立安全、零和安全的冲突型安全文化转变,明显降低了国际安全合作的几率。抗击新冠肺炎疫情中的全球公共安全合作的失败就是一个明显的例证。虽然人类向共同体进化的历史大趋势不可阻挡,但在一段时间内,合作型全球安全文化与冲突型全球安全文化的激烈竞争将会是国际关系的新常态。     

The US Rebalancing to Asia and Transatlantic Public Opinion

The US policy of ‘rebalancing to Asia’ is likely to have major implications for transatlantic relations as well as for the role of rising powers, such as China. US public opinion and leaders are largely aware of this eastward shift in attention and this awareness can be considered, albeit in a somewhat indirect way, an indicator of support for the policy. On the other side of the Atlantic, however, Europeans seem to be less aware of the fact that the Far East is becoming the main chessboard of international relations in a multipolar global order. Nevertheless, when objectively informed about China, people on both sides of the Atlantic are less in favour of a shift in interests toward Asia and their negative perceptions of China are significantly correlated to a hesitancy in supporting a rebalancing policy. Moreover, if people perceive Beijing as a threat, especially an economic threat, they are even less likely to support a shift of interests to the Far East, the only exception being American elites, who tend to increase their support for the rebalancing strategy in the presence of a Chinese economic threat.     

Islamist moderation in perspective: comparative analysis of the moderation of Islamist and Western communist parties

What forms do Islamist moderation take, and which factors underlie each form of moderation? Although a prevalent question in recent years, less is known about the causes and forms of Islamist moderation in a systematic fashion. By building on the findings of Communist moderation literature, we introduce a two-stage framework to explain variation in Islamist party moderation over time and across space: tactical vs. ideological moderation. Tactical moderation refers to the kind of moderation where radical parties make a decision on whether to accept electoral democracy as a means to achieve ideological goals without compromising their platforms. Structural factors such as political liberalization, international factors and state repression are causes of tactical moderation. Ideological moderation pertains to shifts in a platform from a radical niche to more moderate lines to respond to societal changes (economic liberalization, economic growth, electoral loss and changing voter preferences) to gain greater popular support. Empirically, we analyse the Italian Communist Party and the Party for Justice and Development in Morocco in a comparative perspective. In providing evidence through structured comparisons and field interviews, we hope to advance a more universal, generalizable theory of radical party moderation.     

Russia's changing security role in Central Asia

The paper explores Russia's role in security in Central Asia, which analysts interpreted as projection of hegemony. It argues that this role is changing and is shaped by a variety of factors, sometimes acting in contradiction to one another. Domestic agenda is influenced by the danger discourse on drugs and anti-migrant sentiment and urges to detach from Central Asia. Moscow maintains a military presence in the region but is uncertain if it has serious enough stakes to justify a robust approach to security. Refusal to intervene in Kyrgyzstan in 2010 serves as a potent case. Regional organisations echo the non-intervention stance. As a ‘cost-benefit’ approach to security gains momentum, the paper asks if a policy of selective engagement is emerging when only the issues threatening Russia directly will be addressed. The implication can be a security vacuum in the region, affected by ethnic conflict, inter-state disputes and the consequences of withdrawal from Afghanistan.     

从监狱到社区——新加坡罪犯改造理论及实践介绍

如何改造罪犯,使其重返社会自食其力,是各国关心的一个重大问题。从1825年第一个简陋羁押场所到现在的功能齐全的樟宜监狱中心,新加坡监狱发生了巨大的变化。其罪犯改造理念也不断发展,监狱的职能由简单的关押、惩罚罪犯向帮助罪犯改造、重返社会转变,改造形式由封闭向半封闭及开放逐步过渡,社区在罪犯矫正中的作用不断得到强化。新加坡在罪犯改造方面的实践,特别是其以劳动技能培训、社区参与为核心实行的一系列具体措施及其执行方式能给予我国罪犯改造实践一些启发。     

Conflict Resolution through Democracy Promotion? The Role of the OSCE in Georgia

This article qualitatively and empirically analyses the OSCE's efforts to promote democracy after intra-state war in Georgia. This regional organization is rooted in a comprehensive approach to security that directly links security to democratic values. Therefore, the OSCE is a particularly appropriate subject for studying the issue of democracy promotion in the context of conflict-resolution processes. Georgia provides a difficult environment for such a goal. Given that its two secession conflicts are ‘frozen’, democracy can, especially in this context, be considered a well-suited means to indirectly contribute to conflict resolution. By contrasting the democratic development in Georgia with OSCE activities since 1992, this article will assess OSCE democracy promotion efforts. When these efforts are measured with regard to progress in peace and democratic quality, the effectiveness of external democracy promotion by the OSCE has to be called into question. However, the article argues that democratization is a long-term process in which internal factors play a decisive role. The OSCE, like other international organizations, can only reach its normative goals to the degree of the reform orientation and political will of the target state's government. The potential for impact is limited, but can be increased by commitment and context sensitivity.