浅析联合国维持和平行动

联合国及其安理会为了维护国际社会的和平与安全,专门设立了“维护和平行动”,在第二次世界大战后,尤其是冷战结束后发挥不可替代的重要作用和深远影响.维和行动是联合国对于维护世界的和平与安全做出的重要贡献.维和行动是联合国为了实现《联合国宪章》中“维护世界和平与安全”这一宗旨采取的重要手段,在国际社会和平与安全领域起到十分重要的作用;而中国作为联合国安理会五大常任理事国之一,维护世界的和平与安全,是中国的外交目标和外交手段.本文通过介绍维和行动的基本概况和历史轨迹,安理会所面临的挑战,以及中国参与其中所采取的行动这一线索展开论述.     

世纪之交议维和——对冷战后联合国维持和平行动的评价与思考

冷战结束后 ,联合国维和行动问题多多 ,困难重重 ,面对新的世纪 ,维和行动将如何发展 ?本文对冷战后之维和行动进行了深入思考和冷静分析。从冷战后实施的维和行动的变化和存在之问题的分析入手 ,剖析了存在问题的原因 ,提出了确定与完善维和行动规则的建议与设想 :强调维和行动应正确定位在维持和平、缓解冲突上 ,而不应成为干预别国内政和大国推行其战略的工具 ;强调维和的基本原则应当坚持 ,维和行动应规范化和制度化 ,尽快修改《宪章》 ,改变维和至今游离于《联合国宪章》之外的“无法可依”的局面 ,期望未来的维和行动能在正确定位的基础上有章可循地进行 ,为维护世界和平与安全做出更多贡献。     

“战后法”视野下联合国维和行动机制的制度化革新简

维持和平行动作为联合国维护国际和平与安全的一种重要方式,在避免冲突和恢复和平方面起到了重要作用.当前维和行动对传统维和原则的突破是国际环境变化和联合国实践相互作用的结果,维和行动由“冷却冲突”到“解决冲突”的嬗变也面临着许多困境,“战后法”为维和行动提供了新的理论基础和法律语境,能力建设是它对维和行动提出的新的要求,它有助于推动维和行动向更加系统化和规范化的方向发展.     

浅析当今联合国维和行动发展现状与展望

维持和平行动是联合国为帮助受冲突之患的国家创造实现持久和平的条件而确立的一种独特而有活力的手段.本文将试通过对冷战结束后维和行动发展趋势的阐述来分析当前新形势下维和行动面临的困惑与挑战,并从几个不同方面提出了未来发展的可行性规划与期待.     

“战后法”视野下联合国维和行动机制的制度化革新

维持和平行动作为联合国维护国际和平与安全的一种重要方式,在避免冲突和恢复和平方面起到了重要作用。当前维和行动对传统维和原则的突破是国际环境变化和联合国实践相互作用的结果,维和行动由"冷却冲突"到"解决冲突"的嬗变也面临着许多困境,"战后法"为维和行动提供了新的理论基础和法律语境,能力建设是它对维和行动提出的新的要求,它有助于推动维和行动向更加系统化和规范化的方向发展。     

联合国维和部队武力使用之国际法问题研究

维和行动在国际争端解决、冲突化解、维护国际和平与安全等方面发挥着重要作用。维和部队武力使用规则作为维和行动中一个极为敏感的问题,其经历国际社会多次探索革新后逐步形成完善的体系架构,但其在武力使用合法性、武力使用限度及相关责任归因等问题上仍值得国际社会继续探究。中国军队自1990年向联合国停战监督组织派遣5名军事观察员以来已走过30年维和历程,其作用发挥在联合国维和行动中已日趋明显。     

浅析联合国维和行动面临的几个问题

联合国维和行动已经已经走过了60多年的历史,在已经完成的维和行动中成功与失败并存.本文分别从维和行动的原则、维和行动的法典、经费、人员安全等四个方面论述了现状维和行动所面临的问题以及完善的方法.     

论我国参与联合国民事警察维和行动的国内立法

对我国参与联合国民事警察维和行动进行国内立法是我国参与联合国警察维和行动的基本要求。我国目前有关参与联合国民事警察维和行动的国内法依据极为不健全,既没有在相关法律中进行明确规,也没有参与联合国民事警察维和行动专门法律法规,现有的零星规定也存在诸多缺陷。笔者认为,为完善有关维和法律法规,必须对我国参与联合国民事警察维和行动展开专门立法。在立法模式上,由于我国军事维和已经进行了专门立法,因而可以借鉴军事维和立法模式,对我国参与联合国民事警察维和行动作统一立法,或者在人民警察法中单列参与民事警察维和章节。总之,通过对我国参与联合国民事警察维和行动的专门立法,不断促进我国参与联合国民事警察维和行动走上制度化、法治化水平,提高我国参与联合国民事警察维和行动的效率和影响。     

略论联合国维和部队的法律性质及相关问题——纪念联合国维持和平行动五十周年

本文指出：１．联合国维和部队不是联大的辅助机关,而是安理会的特殊辅助机关;２．安理会常任理事国的政策极大地影响着维和行动,它们可以决定维和行动是否采取及其职能,因而维和行动很可能成为大国对他国进行军事干预的工具;３．国际社会各种矛盾及其发展决定了维和行动存在的必要性与可能性,五十年来的历史证明,中立、有效的联合国维和行动,有助于并将继续促进世界和平与安全的维护     

国际法视角下的联合国制裁

维持国际和平及安全是国际法追求的首要价值，也是联合国的首要宗旨。联合国制裁是安全理事会维持国际和平及安全的重要手段，特别是冷战结束以后，安理会对十几个国家采取了制裁行动。联合国制裁具有重要的国际法意义，基本上维持了国际社会的和平与安全，促进了国际法的发展。     

A Turning Point in International Efforts to Apprehend War Criminals: The UN Mandates Taylor's Arrest in Liberia

With Resolution 1638 (2005), the UN Security Council requestedthe peacekeeping mission in Liberia (UNMIL) to apprehend anddetain former President Charles Taylor in the event of his returnto Liberia, and to transfer him to the Special Court for SierraLeone (SCSL). This new task assigned to a UN peacekeeping missionis a significant departure from previous practice. Althoughthere are a few precedents of military troops acting withinthe framework of UN missions which have been authorized to arrestwar criminals, the conferral of an explicit and clear mandateconstitutes a welcome novelty. This resolution is indicativeof the trend emerging in the UN Security Council's practiceto combat impunity by enhancing the rule of law and promotinginternational criminal justice; in particular, it is notablebecause it evinces the Security Council's willingness to strengthencooperation with international criminal tribunals. The examinationof the precedents (UNOSOM II: Second United Nations Operationin Somalia and IFOR/SFOR, the NATO-led multinational force deployedin Bosnia-Herzegovina) is useful for the discussion of legalissues raised by Resolution 1638. The task of arresting a warcriminal can easily be reconciled with the non-coercive natureof UN peacekeeping operations, provided that the consent ofall parties involved is secured. Interestingly, UNMIL troopsare not only authorized but also obliged to implement Resolution1638. After completion of this article, on 29 March 2006, Taylor wasarrested while trying to flee Nigeria. He was put on a jet boundfor Liberia, where at the airport he was taken into custodyby UNMIL peacekeepers and flown by UN helicopter to the SCSLdetention facilities at Freetown, Sierra Leone.     

Barcelona 2002: law, ethics, and human rights. HIV testing for peacekeeping forces: legal and human rights issues

In 2001, the United Nations Security Council established an Expert Panel to study the issue of whether the UN should institute HIV testing of peacekeeping personnel. This article, based on a 9 July 2002 presentation to the XIV International AIDS Conference (abstract TuOrG1173), reports on the findings of a paper prepared for the Expert Panel by the Canadian HIV/AIDS Legal Network. The paper examined whether it is permissible for the UN to implement mandatory HIV testing of its peacekeeping personnel, and whether HIV-positive UN peacekeeping personnel should be excluded or restricted from service on the basis of their HIV status or HIV disease progression. The article describes some of the court cases in which these issues have been considered; discusses the importance of analyzing such issues in the context of a human rights-based approach to the pandemic; and formulates a series of key principles for guiding UN decision-making. The article concludes that a policy of mandatory HIV testing for all UN peacekeeping personnel cannot be justified on the basis that it is required in order to assess their physical and mental capacity for service; that HIV-positive peacekeeping personnel cannot be excluded from service based on their HIV status alone, but only on their ability to perform their duties; and that the UN cannot resort to mandatory HIV testing for all UN peacekeeping personnel to protect the health and safety of HIV-negative personnel unless it can demonstrate that alternatives to such a policy would not reduce the risk sufficiently. In the end, the Expert Panel unanimously rejected mandatory testing and instead endorsed voluntary HIV counselling and testing for UN peacekeeping personnel.     

科索沃国际维持和平行动与国际法上的集体安全制度

科索沃战争是一场以美国为首的北约国家对南斯拉夫联盟共和国的侵略战争。北约组织领导人与部队的行为都严重违反了战争法,构成战争罪。科索沃战争与科索沃国际维护和平行动均不是集体安全制度的具体实施,相反,这些行动侵蚀了《联合国宪章》下的集体安全制度,对国际法上的集体安全制度产生了深远的消极影响。     

Crime‐Control in the Post‐Wall Era: The Menace of Security

Over the past ten to fifteen years, an increasing number of social issues have become linked, and then subordinated, to security policy. This policy area has witnessed a paradigm shift, with the emergence of a new security mentality. The crumbling of the walls built up during the Cold War, and the collapse of the Soviet empire, meant the disappearance of the East versus West polarity. And as this world order, based on a balance of terror, passed into history, the nature of the global threat situation was transformed. The antagonisms of the Cold War had hardly had time to cease creating fear before new threat images emerged onto the scene. Unlike the Cold War situation, where world peace was threatened by a frenetic arms race between two highly concrete superpowers, the perceived threats of the 1990s became increasingly vague. The military menace was superseded by what was said to be a much more diffuse criminal threat. For what is it that lies concealed behind such concepts as ‘cross‐border crime’, ‘organized crime’, ‘terrorism’ and the like? Previously, security policy analysts had been able to localize the source of a given threat with precision. Their benchmark was now gone, however. Once the established geographical demarcations between Us and Them ceased to apply, it was found that the enemy might instead be in our midst.     

Hybrid governance mechanisms as political instruments: the case of sustainability partnerships

Hybrid governance mechanisms have become one of the most preferred models of governance. Their influence and use have increased slowly but consistently since the end of the Cold War. This article investigates their political dimension, by way of studying United Nations’ partnerships for sustainable development, registered with the commission on sustainable development (CSD). Around 350 sustainability partnerships that promise to solve environmental problems and achieve the MDGs are registered with the CSD. Since their endorsement at the 2002 Johannesburg Summit, various studies assessed their value for environmental governance often finding them ineffective or counter-productive. This article exposes a new set of influences that partnerships have on the practice and discourses of global environmental governance, by following the politics of their emergence, that of partnership building and registration, and their actualization: During their negotiation, various contestations emerged and influenced the resulting partnerships regime; this is studied through in-depth interviews. Secondly, this regime leaves many geographical and participatory lacunas with political effects, which are studied through a large-N database. Finally, the unintended consequences of partnership projects on their issue areas and the discursive changes they cause in environmental governance reveal an otherwise concealed political dimension: The introduction of controversial technologies into the UN platforms.     

The United Nations data privacy system and its limits

ABSTRACT

While the United Nations (UN) pioneered in recognizing the impact of modern technological developments on (data) privacy as far back as 1968, little has so far been achieved in terms of introducing a truly global data privacy framework. The present UN data privacy framework is by and large a mere patchwork of rules that exhibit a number of weaknesses. This weak structure of the present framework is a result of political and ideological controversies of the Cold War era. This article considers the extent to which the current UN data privacy system provides protection to data privacy and highlights its major limitations. It concludes that the discourse at the UN set in motion, particularly in the aftermath of the Snowden revelations, wields a potential to result in a major reform in the UN data privacy system.     

Sex,Statistics, Peacekeepers and Power: UN Data on Sexual Exploitation and Abuse and the Quest for Legal Reform

The UN Secretariat provides annual statistics on allegations of sexual exploitation and abuse made against peacekeeping personnel, with reduced numbers of allegations leading to claims of success for the UN's ‘zero tolerance’ policy. This article explores the use of data as ‘technologies’ of global governance, to examine the function that these annual statistics serve for the UN and the impact that they have on calls for legal reform. Thus far, the statistics have attracted little academic appraisal. Yet, they have been used to establish the UN's authority to resolve the ‘problem’ of sexual exploitation and abuse, diminishing the space for critique of UN policy and undermining the quest for improved legal arrangements.     

Deployment stressors of the Iraq War: insights from the mainstream media

A comprehensive understanding of the stressors of the Iraq War is needed to ensure appropriate postdeployment assessments and to inform empirical inquiries. Yet we are unaware of any published studies that address the range of stressors experienced by this cohort. Thus, in the present study, we report the results of an interpretive literature review of mainstream media reports published from the beginning of the Iraq War in March 2003 to March 2005. This literature revealed a combination of stressors associated with traditional combat, insurgency warfare, and peacekeeping operations. The increasing deployment of National Guard/Reservist personnel, older soldiers, and women highlights additional stressors associated with sexual harassment and assault, preparedness and training, and life and family disruptions. This is a cause for concern as war-zone stressors have been implicated in postdeployment health outcomes, including intimate partner violence and child maltreatment, immediate physical and mental health, and long-term adjustment.     

Peacekeepers Facilitating Human Rights Violations: The Liability of the Dutch State in the Mothers of Srebrenica Cases

This article provides a critical reading of the judgments of The Hague District Court and especially The Hague Court of Appeal in the case of Mothers of Srebrenica v. the State of the Netherlands, which concerned the liability in tort of the Dutch State for facilitating the massacre of Bosnian Muslims in 1995. It engages with the courts’ considerations regarding the attribution of conduct to the State in UN peacekeeping operations, the extraterritorial application of human rights treaties, the State obligation to prevent genocide, and the State’s liability for damages. While not fully agreeing with the courts’ argumentation, the author concludes that the judgments contribute to the refinement of the law and practice of State responsibility in respect of wrongful acts committed in complex multinational peace operations.