关于建立澜沧江—湄公河流域经济开发合作区的基本构想

澜沧江—湄公河流域经济开发合作区(以下简称“合作区”)位于中国、老挝、缅甸和泰国四国交界地区.这里经济落后、民族众多、社区封闭,是世界上最贫困的地区之一.因此,经济和社会发展以及根除贫困是该地区第一位的和压倒一切的优先事项.合作区处在连接澜沧江—湄公河上下游流域生态系统的重要地理位置上,保护环境和持久保持生物多样性,不仅对满足当地日益增加的人口的粮食、健康和其它需求至关重要,而且对全流域乃至全球生态环境的改善也具有着相当重要的意义.合作区处在中国西南与东南亚和南亚地区两大陆上交通网相衔接的关键位置上,开通这一枢纽点,不仅有利于促进和加强中国、老挝、缅甸和泰国四国的经济发展与交往,而且还能进一步沟通和密切中国南方与东南亚和南亚两大区域之间的经济关系与联系.因此,由中国、老挝、缅甸和泰国共同努力在四国交界地区建立经济开发合作区,这不仅是加强上述四国相互间的友好合作并促进共同发展的可行方式,而且是帮助当地居民发展经济脱贫致富的有效途径.     

访泰国泰仂人村寨

1986年11月,我作为云南省学者代表团的一员,应邀至泰国清迈市参加“兰那与西双版纳文化——其继承与演变学术讨论会”,并赴泰国北部几个府,访问了那里的仂人村寨。 仂,跨居泰国、缅甸、老挝和中国,在中国称做傣仂,是傣族的一个大的支系;在泰国称做仂。 泰国仂人主要聚居在清莱府的清孔、清坎和腾县,也有不少人居住在清迈府、南奔府、南邦府、披夭府。我们先后考察了难府旺帕县的农波村、东模村,波县的曼乱宰,披夭府上曼达法、下曼达法,清莱府清坎县的满园村。     

缅甸能源业评估

缅甸拥有丰富的能源资源，特别是水力和天然气。流经伊洛瓦底江、钦敦江、萨尔温江和锡当河这四大流域河流的水电潜力估计超过1亿万千瓦。缅甸已确定92个潜在大型水电项目，总装机容量4610．1万千瓦；已探明天然气储量11．8万亿立方英尺，且有极大的开发潜力。海上天然气是缅甸最重要的出口收入来源，目前这些天然气正在供应泰国，并且计划供应中国的天然气管道正在新建。缅甸136亿外国直接投资中有1／3是在石油和天然气行业（截至2011年9月）。缅甸是其所在地区五大能源出口国之一，特别是天然气出口。     

老挝民族宗教概况

老挝人民民主共和国(The Lao People'sDemocratic Republic)位于中南半岛北部,系内陆国家,东临越南,南接柬埔寨,西与泰国交界,西北与缅甸接壤,北邻中国。国上面积23.68万平方公里,境内80％为山地和高原,且多被森林覆盖,有“印度支那屋脊”之称。地势北高南低,自北向南分为上寮、中寮和下寮,上寮地势最高,川扩高原海拔2000-2800米。湄公河是境内最大的河流,流经西部1900     

全球化时代下的老挝华人经济

老挝是位于中南半岛北部的内陆国家 ,北邻中国 ,南接柬埔寨 ,东靠越南 ,西北和西南分别与缅甸和泰国毗邻 ,湄公河流经其西部。面积23.68万平方公里 ,1999年人口统计为530万①。由于中国与老挝有500公里的边界线 ,自明朝开始 ,中国的广东、云南等地就有人移居老挝。目前老挝有华人1万多人 ,15%已加入老挝国籍 ,主要分布在万象、琅勃拉邦、会晒、北宾等湄公河沿岸城镇 ,川圹、丰沙里也散居有部分华侨华人②。另外还有少数从中国云南迁入老挝北部山区的苗族人。20世纪70年代初期老挝华人总数曾接近10万人 ,他们大多居住在老挝首都万象 ,一度占…     

老龙族

老龙(自称),寮龙人,这是分布于泰国(共计1380万人,主要居住在北部和东北部)和老挝的族系,为老挝的主体居民(共计240万人);也有少量分布于越南、柬埔寨和缅甸,属南亚过渡人种,讲泰—傣语系泰语族的老龙语。重要的方言有万象语和琅勃拉邦语。文字(老挝文)是在万象方言的基础上于14世纪末开始使用的书面语言。信奉佛教。     

泰国山民问题及政府对策

一、泰国山区和山民经济状况 泰国的山区集中在北部和东部两大地区。泰北共有15个府,面积16.5万平方公里;泰东北主要为呵叻高原,包括17个府,面积约17万平方公里。这两大地区的面积共33.5万平方公里,约占泰国总面积的65％。 居住在泰北和泰东北的山区主要是少数民族,泰国政府统称其为“山民”。有关方面对“山民”的概念存在着不同观点,但大体可以说,“山民”是指那些在语言、文化、服饰、风俗习惯和生产生活方式等方面与泰人不同的人。泰国的山民人数,到1990年据     

浅析大湄公河次区域合作

大湄公河次区域(英语简称GMS)合作是中国(云南与广西)、泰国、缅甸、老挝、柬埔寨和越南6国在澜沧江-湄公河流域开展的次区域合作.     

澜沧江-湄公河流域的资源开发合作

澜沧江—湄公河发源于我国青海省，流经西藏、云南，在中国境内的河段称为澜沧江，出境经过缅甸、老挝、泰国、柬埔寨，从越南注入南中国海，在中国境外的河段叫湄公河，全长4，880公里，是世界第9、亚洲第3、东南亚第1长河。早在50年代，下游的老挝、泰国、柬埔寨和越南就开始在水资源的开发、利用方面进行合作，一直到了90年代初期，合作才扩大到缅甸和云南省，形成澜沧江—湄公河流域5国1省的经济合作区。1994年4月流域各国部长级会议确定了现阶段合作的7个方面，即交通、能源、旅游、贸易、投资、环境保护与人才开发，这7方面的合作牵涉…     

建立中国西南与缅老泰越北部地区经济发展协作系统的思考

中国西南与相邻的缅甸、老挝、泰国和越南四国的北部(以下简称“四北”地区)是一个广大的地区。这一地区社会经济发展较为缓慢,然而又具有振兴社会经济的许多有利条件,其中最重要的有两点: 首先,这一地区是连接中国、东盟和南亚三大市场的中间环节;是连接北部湾与孟加拉湾的“亚洲西南大陆桥”跨越的地段,地理位置十分重要。     

再探中泰傈僳族研究现状之比较

自从傈僳族迁徙到泰国后,特别是20世纪六七十年代以来,很多学者对其进行了深入研究,相继出版和发表了大量相关的书籍和文章。本文从社会经济、宗教、教育等方面对这些研究成果进行简要梳理,并在此基础上对国外与泰国学者对泰国傈僳族的研究现状和我国学者对国内傈僳族的研究现状作一些比较。     

美国和日本对东南亚山地僳族的研究——兼与中国傈僳族研究的比较

傈僳族既是中国的世居民族之一,也广泛地分布在东南亚山地地区,是这一区域内重要的跨境民族。本文在对1968-2008年美国、日本人类学东南亚山地傈僳族研究文献梳理和评述的基础上,阐明二者在理论和资料关注、研究脉络和研究对象认知、民族志写作等方面的差异。最后,从家户的研究问题、比较维度和联系性研究视角、田野调查和多元研究方法3个层面就美、日东南亚山地傈僳族研究与中国傈僳族研究进行比较。希望在这种比较中搭建与国际傈僳族研究对话的研究框架。     

沙特阿拉伯王位继承问题刍论

政治权力的产生与交接,事关国家的生存、稳定与发展,更是判断政治制度性质的关键指标。君主制国家实行世袭制,国王产生的范围很小。现代沙特阿拉伯王国正式建国不足百年,王位继承范围最终限定在阿齐兹支系。开国君主阿卜杜勒.阿齐兹建立王储制度,费萨尔国王成立资深亲王委员会,保障了王位的平稳继承,为王位继承制度化作出了重要贡献。大臣会议与王储制度密切联系,大臣会议成为培养和砥砺未来王储与国王的重要场所。费萨尔之后,王室长老会议在王位继承上发挥了决定性的作用。不过,第二代亲王年事已高,第三代亲王为数甚巨,沙特阿拉伯王国的王位继承面临挑战。     

The Faulty Logic of the European Union & Its Consequences for the United States

The European Union is in crisis because it is based on a wrong understanding of political development. Its founding assumption is that a common market and a common currency would lead to a unified polity; that Europeans would arise out of the euro. This has not happened and Europe is fraying economically and politically. And the United States is not a disinterested spectator because a weaker and more divided Europe undermines a key foreign policy objective pursued over the last century—of a Europe whole, secure, and free. Consequently, it is premature for Washington to reorient its strategic attention away from Europe.     

Getting savages to fight barbarians: development,security and the colonial present

Development today is a radical and intrusive endeavour. Reflecting the interest of homeland security, it is embarked upon transforming societies as a whole within the global borderland. In attempting to secure the future, however, it is reaching backwards to reconnect and rejuvenate earlier colonial modes of governing the world of peoples. This article is a modest attempt to recover part of this genealogy. The concept of biopolitics is introduced and defined in relation to the differences between developed and underdeveloped species-life. In distinction to the life-supporting technologies associated with mass society, development is a biopolitics of population understood as self-reliant in terms of basic economic and welfare needs. The security function of such a biopolitics is that of bettering self-reliance as a means of defending international society against its enemies: it is the art of getting savages to fight barbarians. To give historic depth to this strategization of power, such a manoeuvre is demonstrated in the relationship between colonial Native Administration and insurgent nationalism. It is then used to provide a critical commentary on the interconnection between development and security, in particular, the relationship between sustainable development and internal conflict that shapes current perceptions of global danger. The conclusion briefly considers the cost of this episodic inheritance: a small part of the world's population consumes and lives beyond its means within the fragile equilibrium of mass society while the larger part is allowed to die chasing the mirage of self-reliance. Rather than addressing these divergent life-chances, the securitization of development is further entrenching them.     

On Value Security and the Overall National Security System

The universality of human nature determines the universality of values and its particularity determines the diversity and plurality of values that is the fundamental determinant of security problems among different value systems. In a narrow sense, value security refers to a situation in which value concepts of a state, region, or a nation, social class are not under threat from the external adversaries, which is called conceptual value security. In a broad sense, value security refers to the consistency between the system of realistic value security and that of conceptual value security. National value security encompasses both value security in a nation-state and security of national values, in which the former is featured by the recognition and acceptance of a prevailing value in a nation-state, and the latter is characterized by the sovereignty of national values. Due to the fact that the issue of value system is a meta-theoretical one and the security of conceptual value system is part of cultural security, value security holds a core position in cultural security and is an important component of overall national security system. Additionally, value security embodies the security of value pursuits and value criteria in different spheres of the overall national security system and therefore, it is also an indispensable and flexible support to the overall national security.     

新加坡“发展导向型”政府的成功实践

本文旨在分析新加波"发展导向型政府"是如何制定政策维护社会稳定,推动经济发展并保持经济持续繁荣的.     

Determinants of Military Strategy, 1903–1994: A Quantitative Empirical Test

Military strategy is centrally important to understanding the causes, conduct, and outcomes of war. Several foreign policy theories make predictions as to what military strategies a state will choose. This article presents the first quantitative, empirical tests of hypotheses of strategy choice. Analysis was conducted on a random sample of country-years taken from the population of all countries from the years 1903 to 1994. Military strategy is classified as being either maneuver, attrition, or punishment. Empirical findings reveal that democracies and industrialized states are more likely to choose maneuver strategies, and that a state's own experiences affect the likelihood of it choosing maneuver. Factors found not to affect strategy choice include terrain, the level of external threat, troop quality, whether a state is democratizing, whether a state is a mixed regime, whether a state is a military regime, and vicarious experiences.     

Illegal Migration: Ukraine

Illegal migration poses a threat to the national security of all countries of Central and Eastern Europe, but as a measure of its parameters, Ukraine’s case is quite representative. This is due to Ukraine’s size and its geographically important positioning from the northern shores of the Black Sea deep into the Central European heartland—along one of the three main routes of illegal migration from Asia to Western Europe and its national policies, which significantly affect the problem.

Three factors highlight its importance: first, Ukraine itself is a source of illegal migration; second, it is a barrier to its spread from Asia and Middle East to Europe and the West; and third, it is a potential target for illegal migration. Though currently Ukraine is considered first of all as an origin and as a transit country, there is a growing tendency for it to become a destination country too.

This article examines the state of the illegal migration threat for Ukraine, as well as measures to respond to it and perspectives for future development. Conclusions are drawn about the complexity of the problem and the necessity of a multi-faceted approach to solve it.