“杀亲案件”135例法医学回顾分析

目的通过总结我省135例杀亲案件的案件资料,研究杀亲案件的特点,分析杀亲案件的侦办要点。方法收集2011~2013年间我国中部某省区域内发生的135例杀亲案件,对数据资料进行分析。结果杀亲案件主要发生在夫妻之间及父母子女,好发于农村,青壮年多见。一般无明显杀人动机,作案工具多为就地取材,死亡原因以机械性损伤和机械性窒息为主。结论杀亲案件在嫌疑人社会学特点、致伤工具、死亡原因、案发时间等方面反映出一定共性,但案件证据的收集是案件的侦办难点。     

血迹形态在命案现场中的应用1例

血迹是凶杀案件中最常见的痕迹物证之一。根据血迹的种类、数量、分布、形态、色泽、检验鉴定和形成方式等综合分析，可以对出血来源，出血部位，受伤时体位，受伤后的活动过程、案件性质、作案地点、作案时间、作案工具、作案人数和作案过程等做出推断，为侦察破案提供依据和证据支持。笔者通过详细的现场勘验，依据现场遗留血迹，分析血迹的形成方式和过程，来解读血迹中包含的犯罪信息。     

17例杀亲案件的回顾性分析

目的总结杀亲案件的特点,为此类案件的分析、预防提供参考。方法调查溧阳地区2004—2014年破获的17例杀亲案件,对原始登记信息、现场勘验笔录、尸体检验鉴定书、破案情况进行统计分析。结果 17例杀亲案件中受害人以女性居多,嫌疑人以男性居多,杀人动机以配偶不忠或怀疑配偶不忠占较高比例。杀亲案件中有精神病患者杀人、伪装杀人,嫌疑人杀人后自杀占有一定比例。结论杀亲案件多与婚外性行为、精神病患者杀人等家庭因素有关,部分为杀人旋即自杀,致伤工具具有简单随意、易于获取的特点。     

农村系列盗案谈

农村系列性盗窃案件有一定的规律,一人或一伙人在实施多起盗窃犯罪时,在选择作案时间、侵害对象、作案工具、作案手法和过程、猎取目标等等,都有其同一性,并保持相对稳定,在不受外界冲击和影响时,一般不会改变。其基本规律是:□作案时间不变。在我们侦破的20串系列盗窃案件中,选择夜间作案的13串,占65%;白天作案的7串,占35%。一人或一伙人一旦选择某一时间作案并频频得手,他们就认为是作案的最佳时间,一般不会轻易改变。建昌大盗苏桂纯,从1990年11月至1991年11月的一年时间里,在建昌县的12个乡镇盗窃农户作案102起,盗窃现金和有价证券4.3万元。他从第一起案件得手到最后一起案件被查获,每次作案都选择集日上午9时,趁人们赶集之机作案,作案时间始终没变。□侵害对象一致。在20串系列盗窃案件中,以住户为侵害对象的犯罪分子,一般不盗窃企、事业单位;选择侵害对象是医院的,一般不盗窃供销社。系列性盗窃案件的侵害对象一般都保持一致性。     

上海市杀人碎尸案24例法医学分析

目的分析上海市杀人碎尸案件的特点,为法医学鉴定提供参考。方法选取2005—2012年上海市公安局物证鉴定中心已侦破的24例杀人碎尸案件,从被害人基本情况、犯罪嫌疑人基本情况、死亡原因、作案动机、尸块情况、碎尸工具、抛尸情况等方面进行回顾性分析。结果 24例杀人碎尸案中,被害人以女性为主(16例),犯罪嫌疑人以男性为主(23人),熟人作案22例。死亡原因主要为机械性窒息和颅脑损伤。作案动机多为情感纠纷。碎尸块数量多在20~30块,碎尸工具均为锐器,其中家用菜刀20例。多为多处、跨区域抛尸,抛尸工具以汽车为主。结论上海市杀人碎尸案件的鉴定中,碎尸块数量多,碎尸手段复杂多样,犯罪嫌疑人职业特征难辨,抛尸距离相对较远,多有交通工具。     

情报信息主导盗窃案件的侦查

情报信息主导盗窃案件的侦查,就是以刑事犯罪情报信息为主线引导对盗窃案件的侦破工作。在侦查破案的各个环节,通过搜集、分析、使用情报信息来指导侦查决策,为侦查破案工作“定向”和“定位”,实现对盗窃案件打击的精确度。建立信息预警机制发案预警针对盗窃案件行为人作案环境选择性(作案时间和地点多有选择性)这一特点,通过刑事案件信息系统和预警研判平台,关注盗窃犯罪规律特点及最新动态,重点     

玉林籍犯罪嫌疑人砸车窃物特点

涉案人员犯罪嫌疑人涉及广西玉林地区各县的青壮年农民。呈纠合型团伙,作案时以老带新,相互交叉,时分时合;年龄一般在18～35岁之间。作案时间白天作案较多,雨雪寒冷天、夜晚(因不易看清车内财物)作案较少。作案地点经济较为发达、未禁止外地牌照摩托车上路的城市;路面见警率低,巡逻、盘查、防控相对较为薄弱的城市;较为偏僻的主干道旁;人口密度较小的开发区、建筑工地附近;如尾随目标车辆,作案地段选择的机动性较强。作案工具选择破坏力强便于携带的尖头工具或由钢笔、小铁锤改制的的工具,多点打击车窗。     

如何把握作案手段的内在聯系——随州市“1.6”抢劫杀人案剖析

并案侦察作为一种侦破途径,目前已在刑事侦察的实践中获得广泛应用。它能使许多疑难案件迎刃而解。它的难点就在于如何确定两个乃至数个形式上独立的案件系同一人或同一伙人所为。这是并案侦察的前提。实际工作中,我们往往是从这三个方面制定的:①痕迹物证的同一性;②作案手段的内在联系;③作案时间、作案地点、袭击目标的类似性。除了痕迹物证的同一性可作独立的直接认定依据外(但这种情况并不多见),后两者都只能是间接认定依据。比较而言,作案时间、作案地点、袭击目标类似性的依据作用更逊与作案手段的内在联系。因为作案手段与罪犯具有更直接的联系。罪犯或犯罪团伙的作案经验一旦形成,其作案手段就有了一定的稳固性。这种稳固性反映在他     

男童单独被杀173例分析

本文研究国内12岁以下男童单独被杀案发案特点,为此类案件的现场勘验分析与侦查提供参考。从22个省、自治区、直辖市收集相关案例173例,选择被害人年龄、被害地点、案犯人数、案犯年龄、案犯性别、案犯职业、双方关系、犯罪动机、杀人手段、控制行为、处置行为等为观察指标,采用SPSS Statistics 25.0统计分析。统计结果显示,被害人平均年龄5.8岁,室内现场占70%,一人作案占97%,案犯平均年龄32岁（其中,18～37岁约占62%,未成年人参与作案约占10%）,女性作案约占36%,务农和无业人员作案各占36%和26%,熟人作案约占93%;谋人约占64%,机械性窒息约占40%;作案后未对尸体采取特殊处置行为约占75%。通过对上述案例分析后发现,12岁以下男童单独被杀案具有以下特点：案件主要发生在室内,案犯一人居多、男性为主、青年居多、职业以务农和无业为常见,女性作案比例较高,案犯与被害人双方关系以熟人居多。作案动机以谋人为主,杀人手段以机械性窒息、锐器刺切、钝器打击为主,仅少数案犯作案后对尸体采取特殊处置,0～1岁男童单独被杀基本上是直系亲属作案。     

攀爬楼房盗窃案的特点

由于某些方面的防范仍然存在着漏洞,在很多城市居民区屡屡发生攀爬楼房翻窗入室的盗窃案件,这给居民区的生活带来了很大的困扰,笔者结合本市的一些案例谈谈攀爬楼房盗窃案件的特点。1攀爬案件的主要特点作案时间:多为夜间12点以后,乘居民处于熟睡状态;作案地点:选择保安力量比较薄弱的小区,比较隐蔽,便于逃跑的居民楼;作案人数:一般为2人或3人,1人或2人攀爬入室行窃,1人负责望风;攀爬方式:借助于楼房的落水管道或窗户的铁栅栏攀爬,然后从阳台、客厅或厨房的窗户入室行窃。有些犯罪分子为了避免发出响声,进入现场时常常将鞋子脱去,进现场后,…     

Bhartṛhari and Maṇḍana on Avidyā

The concept of avidyā is one of the central categories in the Advaita of Śaṇkara and Maṇḍana. Shifting the focus from māyā, interpreted either as illusion or as the divine power, this concept brings ignorance to the forefront in describing duality and bondage. Although all Advaitins accept avidyā as a category, its scope and nature is interpreted in multiple ways. Key elements in Maṇḍana’s philosophy include the plurality of avidyā, individual selves as its substrate and the Brahman as its field (viṣaya), and the distinction in avidyā between non-apprehension and misapprehension. A closer investigation shows that Maṇḍana is directly influenced by Bhartṛhari’s linguistic non-dualism in developing the concept of avidyā. This study also compares other key constituents such as vivartta and pariṇāma that are relevant to the analysis of avidyā. As the concept of counter-image (pratibimba) emerges as a distinct stream of Advaita subsequent to Maṇḍana, this study also compares the application of pratibimba in the writings of Bhartṛhari and Maṇḍana.     

Immigration,intermarriage and the changing face of Europe in the post war period

In this article we compare the propensity to intermarry of various migrant groups and their children who settled in Germany, France, England, Belgium and the Netherlands in the post-war period, using a wide range of available statistical data. We try to explain different intermarriage patterns within the framework of Alba and Nee's assimilation theory and pay special attention to the role of religion, colour and colonial background. We therefore compare colonial with non colonial migrants and within these categories between groups with ‘European’ (Christian) and non-European (Islam, Hinduism) religions. First of all, religion appears to be an important variable. Migrants whose faith has no tradition in Western Europe intermarry at a much lower rate than those whose religious backgrounds correspond with those that are common in the country of settlement. The rate of ethnic endogamous marriages in Western Europe are highest in Hindu and Muslim communities, often regardless if they came as guest workers or colonial migrants. Whereas differences in religion diminish the propensity to intermarry, colour or ‘racial’ differences on the other hand seem to be less important. This is largely explained by the pre-migration socialisation. Furthermore, the paper argues that the attention to institutions, as rightly advocated by Richard Alba and Victor Nee, needs a more refined and layered elaboration. Institutions, often as barriers to intermarriage, do not only emanate from the receiving society, but also—be it less formalized—within migrant communities. Especially religions and family systems, but also organized nationalist feelings, can have a profound influence on how migrants think about endogamy. Finally, strong pressures to assimilate, often through institutionalized forms of discrimination and stigmatization, not only produce isolation and frustrate assimilation (with resulting low intermarriage rates), but can also stimulate assimilation by 'passing' mechanisms. These factors, together with a more comparative perspective, are not completely ignored in the new assimilation theory, but—as this study of Western European intermarriage patterns stresses—deserve to be included more systematically in historical and social scientist analyses.     

Unraveling the <Emphasis Type="Italic">Kāvyaprakāśa</Emphasis>: Jayadeva Pīyūṣavarṣa’s idiosyncratic sequence of topics in the <Emphasis Type="Italic">Candrāloka</Emphasis>

In his twelfth century alaṃkāraśāstra, the Candrāloka, Jayadeva Pīyūṣavarṣa reverses the sequence of topics found in Mammaṭa’s Kāvyapr-akāśa, an earlier and immensely popular work. With such a structural revisionism, Jayadeva asserts the autonomy of his own work and puts forth an ambitious critique of earlier approaches to literary analysis. Jayadeva investigates the technical and aesthetic components of poetry in the first part of the Candrāloka, prior to his formal semantic investigations in the latter half of the text, thus suggesting that aesthetic evaluations of poetry beneficially inform scientific investigations of language. Jayadeva’s organization of his chapters on the semantic operations, moreover, intimates that the study of suggestive and metaphoric functions of language clarifies our understanding of denotation, which is conventionally understood to be the primary and direct path of verbal designation.     

Illumination,Imagination, Creativity: Rājaśekhara,Kuntaka, and Jagannātha on <Emphasis Type="Italic">Pratibhā</Emphasis>

Sanskrit poeticians make the visionary faculty of pratibhā a necessary part of the professional poet’s make-up. The term has a pre-history in Bhartṛhari’s linguistic metaphysics, where it is used to explain the unitary perception of meaning. This essay examines the relation between pratibhā and possible theories of the imagination, with a focus on three unusual theoreticians—Rājaśekhara, Kuntaka, and Jagannātha Paṇḍita. Rājaśekhara offers an analysis of pratibhā that is heavily interactive, requiring the discerning presence of the bhāvaka listener or critic; he also positions pratibhā in relation to Bildung (vyutpatti) and practice. For Kuntaka, pratibhā, never an ex nihilo creation by a poet, serves as the basis for the peculiar forms of intensified insight and experience that constitute poetry; these may also involve the creative scrambling and re-articulation of the object in terms of its systemic composition. At times, Kuntaka’s pratibhā comes close to a strong notion of imaginative process. But the full-fledged thematization of the imagination, and of pratibhā as its support and mechanism, is best seen in the seventeenth-century debates preserved for us by Jagannātha. A link is suggested between the discourse of poetic imagination in Jagannātha and similar themes that turn up in Indo-Persian poets such as Bedil.     

Preventing Homelessness for System‐Involved Youth

Too many youth and young adults find themselves on the streets, couch‐surfing with friends, in emergency shelters or worse, after exiting the child welfare and juvenile justice systems. In some circumstances, youth have had court hearings until their exit from the legal system, but those hearings have not focused on long‐range plans of youth and emergencies youth may encounter. In other circumstances, there has been little or no planning prior to discharge, especially for young people who leave the juvenile justice system. Courts can and should prevent, alleviate or end youth homelessness for youth who appear before them through strategies that are enumerated in the recently‐passed NCJFCJ resolution. This article expounds on three of these strategies – coordinating transition and re‐entry plans, insisting on effective legal representation of youth, and utilizing sound judicial leadership. It also describes the concurrent efforts of the Coalition for Juvenile Justice and the American Bar Association's Homeless Youth Legal Network to remove legal barriers and improve outcomes for youth and young adults experiencing homelessness.     

Best practices for structuring a family court parenting plan evaluation under the 2022 AFCC Guidelines

Evaluation appointment orders provide enforceable scaffolding for conduct of family court parenting plan evaluations, and use of the evaluator's reports, feedback, file, and testimony. Unlike a contract, a stipulated or adjudicated appointment order is directly enforceable by the family court. It unambiguously positions the evaluator as the family court's appointee – answerable directly to the court and, in some jurisdictions, protected by quasi-judicial immunity from damages claims. A well-crafted appointment order governs the roles and expectations of the court, the evaluator, the parties, the lawyers, and the collateral witnesses. An appointment order mandates the legal duties, rights, powers, and responsibilities of the professionals, the parties, and the collateral witnesses. At minimum, an appointment order articulates the legal basis for the appointment, the purpose and scope of the evaluation, compensation of evaluator, and the duty of the parties to participate in the process. A written evaluation protocol or procedures statement discloses in advance the methods of investigation and assessment that the evaluator intends to use. Together, the appointment order and written protocol help the evaluator, lawyers, parents, and judge manage the complexity of the evaluation process.     

The Supreme Array Scripture: A New Interpretation of the Title “Gaṇḍavyūha-sūtra”

This article argues for a new interpretation of the Sanskrit compound gaṇḍa-vyūha as it is used in the common title of the Mahāyāna text the Gaṇḍavyūha-Sūtra.The author begins by providing a brief history of the sūtra’s appellations in Chinese and Tibetan sources. Next, the meanings of gaṇḍa (the problematic member of the compound) are explored. The author proposes that contemporary scholars have overlooked a meaning of gaṇḍa occurring in some compounds, wherein gaṇḍa can mean simply “great,” “big” or “massive.” This general sense is particularly common in the compound gaṇda-śaila (a “massive rock” or “boulder”) and is found in such texts as the Bhāgavata Purāṇa, the Harivaṃśa and the Harṣacarita. Following the discussion of Gaṇḍa, the author examines the term vyūha (“array”) as it is used in the Gaṇḍavyūha-sūtra. The article concludes with the suggestion that a more appropriate translation of the Gaṇḍavyūha-sūtra would be “The Supreme array Scripture.”     

Evaluation of six presumptive tests for blood, their specificity, sensitivity, and effect on high molecular-weight DNA

Luminol, leuchomalachite green, phenolphthalein, Hemastix, Hemident, and Bluestar are all used as presumptive tests for blood. In this study, the tests were subjected to dilute blood (from 1:10,000 to 1:10,000,000), many common household substance, and chemicals. Samples were tested for DNA to determine whether the presumptive tests damaged or destroyed DNA. The DNA loci tested were D2S1338 and D19S433. Leuchomalachite green had a sensitivity of 1:10,000, while the remaining tests were able to detect blood to a dilution of 1:100,000. Substances tested include saliva, semen, potato, tomato, tomato sauce, tomato sauce with meat, red onion, red kidney bean, horseradish, 0.1 M ascorbic acid, 5% bleach, 10% cupric sulfate, 10% ferric sulfate, and 10% nickel chloride. Of all the substances tested, not one of the household items reacted with every test; however, the chemicals did. DNA was recovered and amplified from luminol, phenolphthalein, Hemastix, and Bluestar, but not from leuchomalachite green or Hemident.     

<Emphasis Type="Italic">Anyathākhyāti</Emphasis>: A Critique by Appaya Dīkṣita in the <Emphasis Type="Italic">Parimala</Emphasis>

In this paper, the problem of illusory perception, as approached by the Nyāya and Advaita Vedānta schools of philosophy, is discussed from the standpoint of the Parimala. This seminal work belonging to the Bhāmatī tradition of Advaita Vedānta was composed in the sixteenth century by the polymath Appaya Dīk?ita. In the context of discussing various theories of illusion, Dīk?ita dwells upon the Nyāya theory of anyathākhyāti, and its connection with jñānalak?a?apratyāsatti as a causal factor for perception, and closely examines if such an extraordinary (alaukika) perception is tenable to explain illusory perception. He then proceeds to point out the deficiencies of this model and thereby brings to the fore the anirvacanīyakhyāti of Advaitins as the only theory which stands scrutiny.     

Monks Who Have Sex: Pārājika Penance in Indian Buddhist Monasticisms

In the study of Buddhism it is commonly accepted that a monk or nun who commits a pārājika offence is permanently and irrevocably expelled from the Buddhist monastic order. This view is based primarily on readings of the Pāli Vinaya. With the exception of the Pāli Vinaya, however, all other extant Buddhist monastic law codes (Dharmaguptaka, Mahāsāṅghika, Mahīśāsaka, Sarvāstivāda and Mūlasarvāstivāda) contain detailed provisions for monks and nuns who commit pārājikas but nevertheless wish to remain within the saṅgha. These monastics are not expelled. Rather, they are granted a special status known as the śikṣādattaka. In this paper I explore the rules. concerning pārājika penance and the śikṣādattaka with specific regard to monastic celibacy. Given that five out of six extant law codes recognise this remarkable accommodation to the rule of celibacy, I argue that we must look to Vinayas other than the Pāli Vinaya if we are to arrive at a nuanced and representative view of Indian Buddhist monasticism.

Grant me chastity and continence, but not yet. Augustine of Hippo (354–430 C.E.)