共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 15 毫秒
1.
Timur Dadabaev 《The Pacific Review》2013,26(1):123-145
AbstractThis paper compares and analyses China’s and Japan’s foreign policies with regard to the newly emerging Central Asian (CA) states based on the role that each country attributes to that region, including political cooperation, economic interaction, security, public perception and mutual relevance. It demonstrates that in some respects, the interests of China and Japan in CA are similar, as exemplified by their focus on mineral resources and political stability. However, these countries differ in their approaches and strategies there: China is inclined to follow pragmatic approaches, whereas Japan’s policy is a mixture of idealistic and pragmatic perspectives. 相似文献
2.
Public support for coercive diplomacy: Exploring public opinion data from ten European countries
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MICHAL ONDERCO 《European Journal of Political Research》2017,56(2):401-418
Scholarship has increasingly acknowledged the importance of public attitudes for shaping the European Union's Common Foreign and Security Policy. Economic sanctions emerged as one of CFSP's central tools. Yet despite the emergence of sanctions as a popular instrument in the EU foreign policy toolbox, public attitudes towards sanctions are yet to be studied in depth. This article explains public support for EU sanctions, using the empirical example of sanctions against Russia. It looks at geopolitical attitudes, economic motivations and ideational factors to explain the variation in public support for sanctions. The conclusion suggests that geopolitical factors are the most important, and that economic factors matter very little. Euroscepticism and anti‐Americanism play an important role in explaining the support for sanctions at the individual level. 相似文献
3.
The Singaporean polity has created the ‘militarized civilian’. This policy phenomenon beckons the question: How is this cross-fertilization carried out in Singapore's civil–military relations? Militarization is in the first sense meant to inculcate a calibrated dual personality within the civilian whereby being an effective soldier requires indulging in simulated military suffering as a badge of pride; at the same time, the citizen soldier has to believe that military and civilian values are perfectly interchangeable and contribute equally to the maintenance of peace. In a second sense, militarization is equally about permanently ritualizing sacrifices for a communitarian defence. We argue that while mostly successful, militarization also produces the tension arising from the need to appear pugnaciously vigilant while avoiding the casualties that must logically arise from heightened simulated combat. This tension is explained through two dimensions of ongoing crises: the parameters of a politically dramatized National Service ritual; and the constant propaganda of geopolitical dangers threatening the Republic. 相似文献
4.
This article aims to explain the development of Mexico's relations with Pacific Asia. Based on the historical background of Mexico's relations with Asia and on internal and international transformations, we identify the interests of Mexican political actors in Pacific Asia. We provide an overview of the existing political and economic relations between Mexico and Pacific Asia, demonstrating that the success of diversification has been very limited. By trying to explain the gap between the strategic goals and the existing relations we focus on the domestic politics in Mexico. We conclude that intra-elite conflicts had a negative effect on the diversification attempts, since those conflicts prevented Mexican policy-makers from establishing the institutional basis for successfully implementing their foreign policy goals. 相似文献
5.
Inwook Kim 《The Pacific Review》2016,29(3):361-386
Since China became a net oil importer in 1993, oil refineries have played integral roles in China's quest for oil security. And yet, the capacity, security, and configurations of refineries were rarely featured in the discussions about China's oil policy. To fill this gap, this paper explains the basics of refinery economics and technology, and details the development in China's refining industry since the early 1990s. By taking refineries into consideration, it then revisits and reassesses the existing literature regarding the motives and drivers behind China's foreign oil policy, its effectiveness, and the political interactions between China and crude oil producers. 相似文献
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7.
Yongwook Ryu 《The Pacific Review》2018,31(5):655-672
Why do conservative nationalists in Japan continuously seek to revise the constitution despite the past failures, and what is the likelihood of successful revision and its impact on Japan's norm of pacifism and its use of force? The article offers an analytical framework for the issue based on national pride and national security, and argues that the ‘revisionists’ seek to create a new national identity, one that infuses a greater sense of national pride among the public and enables the exercise of collective self-defense, thereby removing Japan's postwar psychological and institutional limitations on nationalism and military activities. The LDP's 2012 draft is most explicit and ambitious in this regard, with the current revision attempt under Abe having the highest chance of success since the 1950s. Successful revision would significantly expand Japan's security activities, particularly within the framework of the US–Japan Security Alliance, and entail the end of Japan's unique postwar institutionalized pacifism, although the norm of pacifism will linger on as a constitutional principle. For a smoother return to the international military scene, the Japanese government must distance itself from historical revisionism and utilize its enhanced military role to promote regional public goods rather than merely protecting its narrow national interests. 相似文献
8.
Linus Hagström 《The Pacific Review》2013,26(2):159-188
Abstract This paper explores how the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has tackled the threat of terrorism since 9/11 and the Bali bombings. It claims that ASEAN has applied its traditional approach to security, based on comprehensive security and the principle of resilience, when addressing this challenge. The resilience concept underpins the nexus between national and regional security and emphasizes domestic regime consolidation re-enforced by regional consultations. In their pursuit of resilience, member states have sought in various degrees to address terrorism domestically through a mixture of security, law enforcement, socio-economic, ideological, and educational policies. It is noted that Indonesia, the Philippines, and Singapore have tackled terrorism more comprehensively than Thailand and Malaysia. Reflecting the synergy between national and regional resilience, ASEAN has operated as an umbrella organization meant to complement domestic and sub-regional efforts. It has been committed rhetorically, has produced frameworks of action, as well as reached agreements with the great powers. The paper is not overly optimistic, however, about ASEAN's role in promoting regional resilience against the threat of terrorism in Southeast Asia. 相似文献
9.
ROBERTA HAAR 《Politics & Policy》2010,38(5):965-990
This article provides an explanation for the George W. Bush Administration's decision to use military force in Iraq. It first considers the neoconservative foreign policy advocacy coalition, finding that as the advocacy coalition framework suggests, neoconservatives functioned like other coalitions but with some interesting qualifications. The study then considers Bush's role in the decision-making process, establishing that his motivations, combined with key components of his character, determined policy. The events of 9/11 aroused in the president a desire to cast himself in the mold of an American hero, one that would remake the Middle East and bring it into the fold of democratic states. It is the convergence of neoconservative belief and Bush's motivations that explain the decision. This article thus advances the discussion regarding the importance of individual characteristics in decision making and the possibility of joining two methods of inquiry that are often handled independently. Este artículo proporciona una explicación de la decisión de la administración de George W. Bush de utilizar fuerza militar en Irak. Primero considera la política exterior de una coalición de apoyo neoconservadora, encontrando que como el marco de la coalición de apoyo sugiere, los neoconservadores funcionan como otras coaliciones pero con algunas interesantes características. El estudio entonces considera el rol de Bush en el proceso de toma de decisión, estableciendo que sus motivaciones combinadas con componentes claves de su carácter, determinaron la política. Los eventos del 11/9 despertaron en el presidente un deseo de asumir el papel del héroe americano, uno que reconfiguraría el Medio Oriente y lo democratizaría. La convergencia de la creencia neoconservadora y las motivaciones de Bush explican la decisión. Este artículo entonces avanza la discusión con relación a la importancia de las características individuales en la toma de decisiones y la posibilidad de unir dos métodos de investigación que son a menudo manejados independientemente. 相似文献
10.
面向对象的公共政策分析方法 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
通过对现有我国公共管理领域中的政策分析方法相关研究的梳理,在参照国外相关文献的基础上,提出了一种面向对象的公共政策分析方法.从理论与实践的角度表达了这种政策分析方法的优点和局限性.公共政策分析的对象几乎都是复杂系统,面对这种复杂的分析对象,只有通过从概念到流程的处理,从定性到定量化工具的使用,才能把公共政策所要面对的问题进行解构和优化,使之成为一种可操作的理论建构.特别是通过一个典型的应用案例,使面向对象的公共政策分析方法建立操作性的认知成为可能,从而对当前我国公共管理领域提供了一种可供参考的政策分析方法. 相似文献
11.
Esther Turnhout 《Policy Sciences》2009,42(1):57-72
In policy analysis, studies on policy termination are rare. This article offers such a study. It presents the story of how,
despite attempts by the government to terminate it, Dutch nature policy on ecological corridors continued to be implemented
by regional governments and in the field. A case analysis is presented that integrates theories and insights not only from
the termination literature but also from the literature on implementation. The different factors identified in the literature
that enable or constrain implementation and termination have served as a basis for developing possible explanations of the
case study. They cannot, however, serve as generic theories with predictive power. Policy termination as well as policy implementation
are highly contextual processes and the question which factors will enable or constrain policy termination and implementation
can only be answered on a case by case basis.
相似文献
Esther TurnhoutEmail: |
12.
Mi-yeon Hur 《The Pacific Review》2017,30(3):348-364
This paper revisits the sinking of a South Korean naval ship called the Cheonan in March 2010, which profoundly undermined the security environment around the Korean peninsula. Employing an interactionist perspective in analysing the foreign policy behaviour of the Lee Myung-bak government and other key players at the time of the incident, the paper offers new insights into the debate over the mysterious sinking of the Cheonan. The paper reveals that the Lee government's use of the Cheonan tragedy to create a social structure that would pressure the North Korean government was only partly successful due to the counter-roles played by other relevant states. 相似文献
13.
Katy Osborne Carol Bacchi Catherine Mackenzie 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》2008,67(2):149-160
Community consultation has become a widely accepted part of policy development in Australia. In this article, we consider how, in an Australian context, consultation can be incorporated within gender analysis processes. Gender analysis refers to systematic procedures to detect and correct gender bias in the full range of government programs, projects and policies. We draw upon insights from a qualitative case study to argue that policy workers located within women's policy units could play a key role in designing and coordinating meaningful and inclusive consultation. We conclude that well‐resourced women's policy offices within Australian governments are essential to ensuring effective, equitable consultation exercises are included within gender analysis processes. 相似文献
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15.
Beverley Loke 《The Pacific Review》2018,31(5):673-691
China's spectacular economic growth over the past decades has given rise to a more confident and proactive China in global governance. China is now an institution-builder, with new Chinese-led institutions such as the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank designed to cement Beijing's central role in global economic governance. What, then, are the potential implications of a slowing economy for China's institutional power and global governance role? This article locates China's economic growth and slowdown in broader discussions about China's global position and questions about responsibility, order and governance. It argues that China's economic slowdown will not result in a drastic impact on Beijing's institutional power as there are key material, historical and ideational drivers at play here. Unless China is confronted with the prospect of an economic collapse, it will continue to pursue an active institutional role, speak the rhetoric of South–South solidarity with emerging economies and seek a leadership role in reforming global economic governance, even with a slowing economy, because this is intrinsically tied to its identity and how China now positions itself in an evolving global order. 相似文献
16.
Jeffrey Reeves 《The Pacific Review》2013,26(5):589-612
Abstract With the publication of its 2010 National Security Concept and its 2011 Foreign Policy Concept, Ulaanbaatar has formalised a shift in foreign policy that has been readily apparent since 2000. Whereas Mongolia's foreign policy for the 1990s was formulated around an omni-enmeshment strategy, its foreign policy from 2000 onward is best conceptualised as an amalgam of omni-enmeshment and balance of influence. Ulaanbaatar's new foreign policy strategy implicitly identifies China as the country's largest security concern. This sense of a China ‘challenge’ is mirrored in Ulaanbaatar's post-2000 foreign policy relations. 相似文献
17.
Priya Chacko 《The Pacific Review》2017,30(1):26-50
Recent commentary on India–Australia relations has defined the relationship as ‘natural’ and based on ‘shared values’ and ‘shared history’. The relationship has simultaneously been considered ‘neglected’. The paradoxical juxtaposition of a natural/neglected partnership is yet to be adequately explained. We consider the historical construction of liberalism in both states as a facet of state identity to argue that, far from creating a natural relationship, differing liberal identities have served to keep these two states apart. This is illustrated through case studies of divergent opinions over the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, Russia's 2014 annexation of Crimea and the rise of China. 相似文献
18.
Emile Kok-Kheng Yeoh 《The Pacific Review》2019,32(3):395-418
This article looks at the Malaysian perception of the contemporary rise of China by focusing more on the country’s societal response rather than from a broad overall perspective of international strategic relations and diplomacy. The Malaysian society is seen as a complex multi-entity construct, constituted by often sharply differentiated fragments and sub-fragments which could exhibit vastly different responses to the implications of the rise of China. Within such a construct, perception of the rise of China and the appropriate Malaysian response are intricately entwined with domestic power politics, generational transition and governmental control over public discourse. Hence, the Malaysian perception of the contemporary rise of China is as complex as the Malaysian society itself, and what is revealed in official government policies and public discourses in the dominant mass media would fail to reflect the real depth of the issue if the intrinsic complexity of the Malaysian society is not taken into due consideration. 相似文献
19.
Michael W. Fowler 《Democracy and Security》2015,11(3):227-247
Democracy promotion has been a centerpiece of US foreign policy for over half a century. This article explores the evolution of democracy promotion in US foreign relations from 1821 to 2014. While the quantity and quality of US democracy promotion policy evolved in a nonlinear fashion, US presidents varied the ways and means of democracy promotion as a way to achieve national security objectives. There is signification variation among US presidents on the specific linkages between democracy and security, resulting in divergent policy applications and technical approaches. 相似文献
20.
公共政策创新中合法性要素的制度分析 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
公共政策创新中的政策供给是建构性的,因此,它必须通过各种渠道获得合法性要素的支持方能得以实施,否则,也可能因合法性要素的支持短缺而蔫死在襁褓之中。可见,合法性要素是政策供给的给养,只有给养充分,政策创新才能顺利进行。历史上存在着大量的公共政策创新失败的案例,其重要原因在于缺乏一系列必要的合法性要素的支持,这些要素是共同性支持、同源性支持、关联性支持和社会成员通过利益集团的支持。它们在公共政策创新中缺一不可,否则将导致公共政策创新的最终失败。因此,公共政策创新必须在这些要素的全面支持下获得合法性方能成功。 相似文献