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1.
What defense budget the United States should have and what defense budget it can afford are separate questions. The debate raging in Washington about Pentagon spending ignores the distinction. Doves insist that we need a more modest military strategy because the current one is wasteful and economically unsustainable. Hawks say that the current approach is sensible and affordable. This article takes a third path, arguing that U.S. military policy is likely to remain extravagant because it is sustainable. We adopted our current strategy—which amounts to trying to run the world with the American military—because we could, not because it was wisest. Wealth and safety make the consequences of bad defense policy abstract for most U.S. taxpayers. So we buy defense like rich people shop, ignoring the balance of costs and benefits. We conflate ideological ambition with what is required for our safety. Unfortunately, the current political demand for austerity and fewer wars will only temporarily restrain our military spending and the ambitions it underwrites. 相似文献
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《International Understanding》2015,(4)
<正>In Mid-October,CAFIU and Sri Lanka-China Friendship Association(SLCFA)jointly held the 2015 Understanding and Cooperation Dialogue in Colombo,Sri Lanka with the assistance of China Foundation for Peace and Development.The Dialogue included nationwide young student speech contest and Seminar on People-to-people 相似文献
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Matthew D. M. Francis 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2016,28(5):912-927
The popular media and many in academia often overstate the role that religion, and its supposedly unique qualities, has played in recent acts of terror. In this article, I argue that the notion of religious violence is unhelpful and that there is a more useful concept that we can utilize to draw out the values and ideas that play a role in the move to violence in both religious and secular groups. From a series of case studies on religious and non-religious groups, I have drawn out an alternative framework for investigating and learning from the role that beliefs play in motivations and justifications for terrorism. This framework uses the concept of non-negotiable (or “sacred”) beliefs. It is as applicable to secular as it is to religious groups, and can show us much more about how such beliefs can contribute to violence. 相似文献
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《Orbis》2022,66(3):402-423
The war in Ukraine, the international responses targeting Russia, and China’s reaction to the conflict point to complex and possibly growing China-related challenges for international order and security, especially in the Indo-Pacific region. On issues of great power diplomacy, state sovereignty, economic sanctions, and the use of military force, the lessons Beijing’s behavior appears to teach and the lessons Beijing may be learning in the context of the Ukraine crisis are complex but mostly bode ill. These Ukraine-related developments are greater causes for concern because they are consistent with, and likely to reinforce, prior trends and patterns in China’s perceptions and behavior. 相似文献
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Maria Ryan 《Diplomacy & Statecraft》2013,24(3):491-515
This article challenges the almost universal consensus that post–Cold War neoconservative foreign policy has been characterised by the objective of “exporting democracy” abroad for strategic or moral reasons or both. Instead, the article contends that the touchstone of neoconservatism was the attempt to preserve America's so-called “unipolar moment”—its apparent position as the single pole of power in every region of the world. Moving beyond the abstract and grandiose rhetoric employed by many neocons, the article points out that neocons made a distinction between the respective uses of military and non-military power, arguing that the former should be reserved only for situations where strategic interests were at stake rather than for the sake of ideals. The article goes on to argue that this focus on strategic interests facilitated a close alliance with other conservative nationalists who were also dedicated to maintaining America's position as the single pole of world power. Thus neoconservatism should be analysed and evaluated—by both conservatives and liberal interventionists alike—on the basis that it was a strategy dedicated primarily to preserving American unipolarity, not to the promotion of ideals. 相似文献
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John R. Ferris 《Diplomacy & Statecraft》2013,24(3):527-565
This article assesses British intelligence and its effect on policy during the interwar years. It discusses the publically available documentation, which now includes almost all the material on the matter, though the data base has been permanently destroyed in significant ways. The paper traces the development of British intelligence between 1869–1939, involving the transition from a tradition to a system of intelligence, with the greatest change occurring during the Fist World War. The article assesses how, between 1914–39, intelligence was interrelated to bureaucratic politics, modes of decision making, and the formulation of strategic politics, modes of decision making, and the formulation of strategic policy. It discusses the structure and power of British intelligence agencies between 1919–39, their quality compared to rivals in other countries, and the impact on policy of their successes and failures. It concludes that intelligence, as an influence and a source of evidence, is essential to the study of diplomatic and strategic history, upon which its impact is complex and variable. 相似文献
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《中国国际问题研究》2006,(2)
O n 15 June, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) held its annual summit in Shanghai to mark its fifth anniversary, which attracted worldwide attention. It was attended by the heads of state of China, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Tajikistan and … 相似文献
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正From June 16 to 18,the 2014"UnderstandingCooperation"Dialogue and Forum on Rethinking Asia,co-hosted by CAFIU and FES and jointly organized with China Foundation for Peace and Development,was held in Tutzing,a beautiful and spacious manor located at 30km southwest of Munich.Nearly 60 delegates from more than 10Asian and European countries participated in the event,including China,Germany,Korea,Japan, 相似文献
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正Honorable Mr.Kolbow,Honorable Vice-Chairman Qi Xuchun,Distinguished guests,Ladies,gentlemen,friends,Good evening!I am very pleased to be here in the beautiful Munich to attend the 2014Understanding and CooperationDialogue/Rethinking Asia Forum First of all,I would like to extend warm welcome on behalf of CAFIU,one of the sponsors of the event,to all the participants from various countries.Here,I would also like to give special 相似文献
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<正>Distinguished guests,Ladies and gentlemen,Dear friends,It gives me great pleasure to meet all of you in Beijing and join you in the 2013Understanding and CooperationDialogue.Please allow me to begin by extending my warmest congratulations to the opening of this Dialogue,and my heartfelt 相似文献
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Susannah Pickering-Saqqa 《Development in Practice》2019,29(4):477-488
International development NGOs are in existential crisis. Their legitimacy and added value are increasingly challenged. While scholars have focused on legitimacy, work on “value-added” is scarce. In particular, no research addresses the value of domestic programmes to international NGOs. This article rectifies this, focusing on the case of Oxfam GB’s UK Poverty Programme (UKPP). Using empirical research from 35 interviews with Oxfam GB staff, partners and beneficiaries and over 150 archive documents, the article identifies seven assets through which the programme provides value added to Oxfam GB. It highlights the possibility that these could offer insights into the dimensions of future INGOs. 相似文献
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Jason Ralph 《Global Society》2009,23(3):207-224
This article examines the Schmittian-inspired charge that liberalism is intrinsically imperialistic and that it dehumanises alternative illiberal political projects in ways that lead to disproportionate and indiscriminate violence. It focuses specifically on the charge that the US war on terror is the latest manifestation of this kind of liberal imperialism. Such an argument only makes sense when liberalism is combined with exclusionary modes of nationalism and realism. This synthesis underpins the “hard Wilsonianism” of American neoconservatism. The article argues that the Schmittian-inspired charge of imperialism cannot be properly directed at the more inclusionary cosmopolitan forms of liberalism, which is illustrated with reference to the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. 相似文献
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Mu Jinling 《International Understanding》2013,(3):5-10
<正>The Chinese Association for International Understanding(CAFIU)and the China Foundation for Peace and Development(CFPD)hosted the2013Understanding and CooperationDialogue in Beijing,Jingdezhen and Nanchang from July 23to 26,2013.The co-sponsors of this Dialogue 相似文献
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Sovereignty Negotiations and Gibraltar's Military Facilities: How Two “Red-Line” Issues Became Three
PETER GOLD 《Diplomacy & Statecraft》2013,24(2):375-384
The Brussels Agreement signed between Britain and Spain in 1984 aimed to resolve all aspects of the dispute over Gibraltar, including sovereignty, which dated back to the Treaty of Utrecht of 1713. Desultory progress was made in negotiations until 2001, when the British Government decided to attempt to negotiate a joint sovereignty agreement. From the outset two non-negotiable (‘red-line’) issues on Britain's part were established: the agreement must be permanent, and it must be subject to a referendum in Gibraltar. As the negotiations progressed, a third ‘red-line’ issue emerged: Britain insisted on retaining control of Gibraltar's military facilities. The article explores how this third issue emerged and the possible reasons why it did so following 9/11. 相似文献
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Asia Europe Journal - China’s growing power and influence raise important and inescapable questions for countries and societies around the world, not least for Europe. A rising China offers... 相似文献
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R. Hughes 《Diplomacy & Statecraft》2013,24(4):723-747
This article argues that British policy on boundaries in Eastern Europe after 1945 was based on hardheaded Realpolitik whereby the justice of any given border was of entirely secondary importance to wider policy imperatives. British disregard for the legal and moral merits (or demerits) of respective cases was justified by British policy makers on two counts: firstly, international relations could not assess boundary disputes on a case-by-case basis as such thinking had undermined international stability to the point of global conflagration after 1918; secondly, British policy makers declared that it was their aim to stabilize the international system by means of détente. In reality, the proclaimed goal of universally beneficial goals by means of a “pragmatic” consolidation of the status quo hid a real desire to institutionalise a system that was seen as the best possible option for Britain given the harsh reality of its relative decline after 1945.
“There is no government on earth which divulges its affairs less than England, or is more punctually informed of those of others.” —Sagredo, Venetian Ambassador to London in the Sixteenth Century.
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