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国际     
雷志华 《南风窗》2012,(21):23-23
希腊又见全国性大罢工9月26日,希腊主要工会组织举行全国性罢工和示威活动,抗议政府拟推行的新一轮紧缩措施。希腊主要私营及公共部门工会称,当天有超过10万人参加了24小时罢工和示威活动。此次罢工是萨马拉斯政府上台以来希腊发生的第一次大规模罢工。  相似文献   

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国际     
《南风窗》2012,(20):23-23
俄陨石坑发现天量钻石矿据美联社9月17日报道,俄罗斯科学家称,西伯利亚地区发现的一处陨石坑中蕴藏丰富钻石资源,可持续开发3000年。这个陨石坑名为波皮盖坑,直径约100公里,里面蕴藏的钻石达数万亿克拉,超过全世界现有的钻石储量。  相似文献   

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国际     
《南风窗》2012,(26):25-25
朝鲜突然发射卫星表决心据新华社转引朝中社12月12日报道,朝鲜光明星3号卫星发射成功,卫星进入预定轨道。而韩国国防部13日表示,朝鲜卫星正围绕地球轨道正常运行,但尚无法确认其是否能正常工作。美国官员表示,这一火箭运载物处于失去控制的不稳定状态。  相似文献   

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国际     
《南风窗》2012,(24):27-27
肯尼亚武装偷牛组织袭警在肯尼亚北部偏远地区,一个武装偷牛组织使用机关枪、炸弹等伏击当地警察,造成至少32名警察死亡。外媒称,发生这样严重的袭警事件,与偷牛组织在当地势力日益猖獗有关。风云Major Issue石原慎太郎成立太阳之党  相似文献   

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Abstract

In this paper, we make a theoretical argument that the Third World be returned to its political origins to inspire an updated Third World Project (TWP), revived as a global movement for progressive, anti-imperialist forces, through the Fourth World movement, which highlights internal colonialism. Both the TWP and the United Nations recognise only nation states as full members. We examine how a Third World strategy that brings in the Fourth World, or indigenous, minority and/or stateless groups, can help oppressed groups gain more autonomy and rights through a transnational solidarity rooted in empathy. We trace the intellectual roots and history of the TWP and consider obstacles in bringing together the TWP and the Fourth World movement. A Fourth World strategy corrects the TWP’s implicit approval of an underlying imperialism, and the TWP provides the Fourth World movement a model to accomplish its goal of resisting uncritical modernity.  相似文献   

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2022年新年之际,各国元首纷纷发表新年贺词,其中世界大国领导人的新年贺词备受全球关注。这些贺词虽侧重点不同,但也有共性特征,即在新冠肺炎疫情背景下抚今追昔、鉴往知来。从国家治理角度看,如何统筹好安全、发展和国际合作间的辩证关系是各国亟须解决的首要问题,也是新的一年人类社会向何处去的关键所在。  相似文献   

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This paper examines the evolving role of the UN specialised agencies in international responses to 'complex' emergencies, with particular reference to the Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO). Despite some shortcomings in both the organisation and execution of interventions, FAO does indeed - as it claims - have the capacity to be a 'key player' in complex emergencies in terms of emergency and longer-term rehabilitation as well as preparedness and early warning, and is playing this role with increasing confidence and competence. A main constraint is donor reluctance to fund the kind of operations in which FAO specialises, despite their potential cost-effectiveness and capacity, with careful design and implementation, to mitigate crises and reduce relief needs. This is seen as part of a wider donor failure to provide adequate support for responses to complex emergencies which go beyond 'pure' relief in acute, high profile situations-something which has increasingly become a preoccupation within and outside the UN system and points to the need for improved coordination and monitoring and evaluation systems.  相似文献   

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This article critically examines the concept of 'partnership', ubiquitous in contemporary development aid discourses. It investigates whether the language of 'partnership' signifies a change in aid relations away from the stark exertion of power characteristic of the conditionality decades of the 1980s and 1990s, or, conversely, whether 'partnership' is merely the latest guise behind which power-based relations continue to operate. A conceptual framework facilitates the deconstruction of the recently established 'Partnership for Governance Reform' in Indonesia, posited as a co-operative venture between national stakeholders and the international community. Elements of partnership or of power are sought through an examination of decision-making structures and activities. Findings are of the largely rhetorical and instrumental use of 'partnership' by international actors. Although there is nominal control by Indonesian actors, decision-making bodies are constructed in a manner which ensures that the reform agenda of international agencies remains relatively unchallenged, both in terms of what is included and excluded. Contrary to the official discourse of partnership as encouraging locally formulated reform strategies, the notions of 'partnership' and 'local ownership' simultaneously disguise and legitimise the interventions of international agencies in domestic reform processes, serving to mystify power asymmetry.  相似文献   

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This article attempts to align ‘queer’ and ‘Third World’ – grouping them in their common inheritance of subjugation and disparagement and their shared allegiance to non-alignment and a politics aimed at disrupting domination and the status quo. In assembling both terms one is struck by how, in the mainstream discourse of international development, the Third World comes off looking remarkably queer: under Western eyes it has often been constructed as perverse, abnormal and passive. Its sociocultural values and institutions are seen as deviantly strange – backward, effete, even effeminate. Its economic development is depicted as abnormal, always needing to emulate the West, yet never living up to the mark (‘emerging’ perhaps, but never quite arriving). For their part, postcolonial Third World nation-states have tended to disown and purge such queering – by denying their queerness; indeed often characterising it as a ‘Western import’ – yet at the same time imitating the West and pursuing neoliberal capitalist growth. I want not only to make the claim that the Western and Third World stances are two sides of the same discourse but, drawing on Lacanian queer theory, also to suggest that a ‘queer Third World’ would better transgress this discourse by embracing queerness as the site of structural negativity and destabilising politics.  相似文献   

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伊拉克危机与世界政治   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
自冷战结束以来,国际经济与经济全球化这两个概念的区别已为国人所能把握,关于经济全球化内涵及问题的研究也有了相当的积累,然而,国际政治与世界政治这两个概念在中国却因缺乏界说而被随意地使用,在大多数人看来,世界政治似乎只是国际政治在规模意义上的扩大,两个概念所指涉的对象并无多大区别,更谈不上专门去研究。事实上,借助于一定的国际关系理论的视角,我们看到,在国际政治与世界政治这两个概念  相似文献   

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