《答台湾同胞问》中共为何允许“台独”分子访大陆

台湾一读者来信问道:“中共对‘台独’持什么态度?为什么允许‘台独’分子到大陆访问?”答:中共不支持“台独”,中共一直坚决反对“两个中国”,反对“台湾独立”,反对分裂,不遗余力争取祖国统一。     

把握两岸和平发展主题，实现民革祖统工作“四个转变”

2008年台湾局势发生了重大而积极的变化。陈水扁和“台独”分裂势力处心积虑、无所不用其极地推动所谓“去中国化”和“法理台独”等严重的分裂活动遭到空前惨败。坚持“九二共识”，坚持和平发展，希望通过改善两岸关系、扩大和深化两岸交流合作，已成为广大台湾人民的期盼。自去年5·20以后，国民党重新夺回政权。台湾政局的变化，使两岸关系实现了历史性转折。面对当前的新形势，我认为民革全党都要做到以下几点：     

陈水扁玩火

陈水扁在玩火,公然抛出“一边一国论”,直接挑战一个中国原则的底线,将台湾引向灾难;鼓吹和煽动“公投台独”,企图把台湾岛2300万民众当作他搞“台独”、对抗大陆的“人质”。陈水扁的挑衅行径表明,他妄想利用所谓“执政”之机,成为分裂中国的“台独”势力的总代表。 台湾自古以来就是中国不可分割的一部分,这是国际社会的共识。大陆方面一贯坚持用和平方式完成祖国统一大业,但绝不会坐视任何“台独”势力的挑衅,绝不允许任何人以任何方式把台湾从中国分割出去。玩火者必自焚！     

坚决反对“台独” 维护祖国统一

近来,台湾民进党在少数“台独”分子操纵下,勾结某些外国势力,甘冒天下之大不韪,竟将“台独”条款列入他们的党纲,阴谋建立所谓的“台湾共和国”,妄图以台湾名义加入联合国,明目张胆地进行分裂祖国的罪恶活动,这是包括台湾人民在内的全体中国人民所绝对不容许的。台湾自古以来就是中国神圣领土不可分割的一部分,这是国际社会早已公认的历史事实。“台独”分子置历史事实于不顾,颠倒黑白,     

“台独”分裂祖国必须严加制止

有那么一小撮人逆历史潮流而动,在台湾岛内大搞“台独”活动。这种分裂祖国的行径已引起海内外炎黄子孙的极大关注。这里发表的北京四位学者的文章,从国际战略学、政治学、台湾岛内政治生活及台湾民众意愿等方面,对“台独”活动的本质和危害进行了剖析和揭露,有助于使人们看清“台独”分子的嘴脸,共同制止“台独”活动。     

台湾问题的由来与现状

所谓台湾问题,一是指台湾问题是中国的内政问题,这是台湾问题的本质;二是指台湾问题是反对外国势力干涉中国内政的问题。美国等一些国家的干涉是台湾问题形成今日之局面并迟迟难以解决的外因;三,现今台湾问题已经发展成为分裂与反分裂、“台独”与反“台独”的斗争,焦点是一个中国与“两个中国”以及“台湾独立”的斗争。由来国民党政权败退到台湾台湾问题的本质是中国的内政问题。解放战争后期,蒋介石在大陆战场节节失败、内部被逼下野的夹缝下,不得不考虑自己的后退之所。他接受历史地理学家张其昀的建议,苦心经营台湾,欲把台湾作为自己的…     

蒋介石也反“台独”

“台独”即“台湾独立运动”,是指岛内外极少数极端分子,以台湾脱离祖国、成立“独立国家”为目标的反动分裂行径。由于“台独”势力牵涉面广,“台独”成为台湾诸多内政、“外交”问题的症结所在,蒋介石在台湾执政的20余年中,权衡各方面的利害关系,坚决反对有关“台独”的言论与活动,并着力采取种种措施解决这一问题。但是,蒋介石反对“台独”的出发点与中国共产党迥然不同,也未能最终消除“台独”。     

"台独"历史渊源与流变

幽灵,一个“台湾独立”的幽灵,正在台湾岛内游荡。“台独”最早的历史渊源还应该追溯到1894年的中日“甲午战争”。清廷战败后,1895年被迫到日本签订了《马关条约》,中国神圣领土台湾省被割让给日本。日本军国主义在台湾实行殖民统治长达半个世纪之久。第二次世界大战日本战败后,中国将依据《开罗宣言》光复台湾岛和澎湖列岛。在听到日本天皇宣布投降的消息后,日本驻台湾“总督”安藤利吉策动部分军国主义分子和收买下的台籍汉奸分子,在台湾建立起密谋“台湾独立”的地下组织。1949年10月1日,中华人民共和国宣告成立,蒋介石率领国民党军队的残兵败将退踞台湾。美国、日本一方面与做着“光复大陆”迷梦的台湾当局继续保持所谓的“外交关系”,朝鲜战争爆发后,美军并把第七舰队开入台湾海峡,把台湾作为对新中国形成包围圈的“不沉的航空母舰”;另一方面又扶持台湾士绅廖文毅等人搞“台独”活动。1950年廖文毅在日本东京正式成立了所谓“台湾民主独立党”,公开树起“台独”旗帜,开始了分裂中国的阴谋活动。这一事件被视为“台独”这一历史“怪胎”的呱呱落地。 1951年“旧金山和约”在海峡两岸均未参加的情况下,违背     

“文化台独”正在毒害台湾全社会

“文化台独”是“台独”分子在台湾岛内为深化“台独”的社会影响,扩大“台独”的社会基础而制造的一种“去中国化”的运动和思潮。主要目的是造成“台独”的文化认同。 “文化台独”作为“台独”运动的软件伴“台独”而生,随“台独”而行。民进党突破“党禁”之后,“文化台独”活动更加有组织、有计划、有步骤、大张旗鼓地开展起来。从彭明敏的“台湾命运共同体”,到李登辉的“台湾生命共同体”,再到台湾当局新领导人的“台湾主体性”。这些人     

再论以非战争军事行动扼制“台独”

中国人民解决台湾问题无非两种方式:一是和平统一,二是武力解决。自从主张“台独”的民进党人上台以来,台湾问题已变得更加复杂,从实施“台独”党纲到滑向分裂祖国的道路,显然已是量变到质变的过程。因此我们主张“和平统一”、不放弃“武力解决”,已不仅仅是解决方式的问题,而是斗争策略和战略准备的问题。事实上,在争取“和”与准备“打”之间,存在一个较大空间,填补这一空间的主要“材料”正是非战     

略论"文化台独"

"文化台独"是一种以确立台湾独立性为价值取向,以"去中国化"为特征,为"台独"服务的社会文化思潮。从其发展趋势来看,影响已浸入到台湾社会的各个阶层,危害性也越来越大,一旦成为台湾的主流意识,必将对两岸的和平统一造成严重的危害。因此,必须高度关注,坚决遏制"文化台独"思潮的蔓延。中华文化与台湾文化同出一脉,源远流长。民进党当局推行"本土化""、去中国化,"这是要从根本上割断台湾与祖国的联系,是不得人心的,其图谋也是不能得逞的。     

Beyond the Developmental State: The Cultural Roots of "Guerrilla Capitalism" in Taiwan

This article seeks to contribute to the emerging literature on moving "beyond the developmental state" by tracing the important role of "guerrilla capitalism" in Taiwan's political economy. The success of small and medium enterprises (SMEs) with little linkage to the state in Taiwan strongly suggests that more than state leadership must have been involved in the island's "economic miracle." The SMEs are quite important for the overall economy, especiaiiy the export sector where they have long accounted for more than half of total exports. Their success has resulted from the practice of "guerrilla capitalism" which includes aggressive and even audacious pursuit of business opportunities, extreme flexibility in rapidly filling even small orders, atten tion to quality and design, audacious bidding, participation in complex networks of subcontracting, and only partial observation at best of government regulations and international laws, such as those regarding intellectual property rights. The emergence of guerrilla capifalism, in turn, can be explained by the long-sfanding challenge in Chinese history to "official" Confucianism by a "heterodox counterculture" that is quite conducive to entrepreneurship and small-scale business activities.     

China–Taiwan diplomatic competition and the Pacific Islands

Abstract

China and Taiwan have become important actors in South Pacific affairs due to their diplomatic rivalry. Securing the diplomatic recognition of the Pacific Islands countries is expensive for China and Taiwan. There are limits to what the rivals are willing to spend, and they attempt to reduce costs. This dynamic shapes how Taiwan and China engage Pacific Islands politicians. It also motivates their high level official visits to the region, and how they engage South Pacific regional organizations. Despite criticisms that China–Taiwan rivalry corrupts and destabilizes the South Pacific, the issue of whether China and Taiwan's diplomatic rivalry has been beneficial or detrimental to the region remains contentious. China and Taiwan appear to have recently called a truce in their decades-old rivalry. This tacit agreement is still tentative, and the involvement of China and Taiwan in the region has yet to change significantly. However, Taiwan has reportedly begun to reduce funding, and is likely to reform its aid delivery in order to satisfy demands from the South Pacific region's dominant power, Australia, and to improve its image as a humanitarian aid donor. China is also likely to reduce funding while the truce holds. However, China considers its ties with South Pacific governments more important than responding to Australian pressure, and is unlikely to reform its South Pacific aid programmes as a result of the diplomatic truce.     

From Nationalization to Marketization: Changing Governance in Taiwan's Higher-Education System

The shift from "government" to "governance" has been widely debated both in the West, where the debate originated, and in the Asia-Pacific, where it is a strong emergent theme. In the West, early work concentrated on problems of government failure in the realms of regulation, welfare and development. This developed into a focus on the increasingly complex challenges facing modern states. By the mid-1990s, bodies such as the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) were devoting considerable attention to issues affecting "governance in transition." At this time, the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) issued its first discussion paper on governance. This emphasized the importance of bringing together the realms of governance, namely civil society, the state, and the private sector. All these developments signify a fundamental administrative paradigm shift to the "sociopolitical governance" model. This paper discusses the theme "from nationalization to marketization" by examining the origins and driving forces for changing governance in Taiwan's higher-education system. More specifically, the paper examines the changes in the role of the state in terms of three major aspects: provision, financing, and regulation in higher education, reflecting on how a new governance model has evolved in Taiwan.     

Valence politics and electoral choice in a new democracy: The case of Taiwan

After two peaceful alternations of political power in a single decade, Taiwan is a democratic success story, demonstrating levels of party competition, turnout rates and patterns of civic engagement similar to those in mature Western democracies. What factors drive electoral choice in Taiwan's new democracy? This paper addresses this question by testing rival models of voting behavior using the Taiwan Elections and Democratization Study (TEDS) 2008 presidential election survey data and the 2010 mayoral election survey data. Analyses show that, similar to their counterparts in mature democracies, Taiwanese voters place more emphasis on the performance of political parties and their leaders in delivering policies designed to address valence issues concerning broadly shared policy goals than on position issues or more general ideological stances that divide the electorate. Findings demonstrating the strength of the valence politics model of electoral choice in Taiwan closely resemble the results of analyses of competing models of voting behavior in Western countries such as Great Britain and the United States.     

Exam‐centred Meritocracy in Taiwan: Hiring by Merit or Examination?

As a legacy of Imperial China, the Taiwan civil service entrance examination (CSEE) represents the hallmark of a unique exam‐centred meritocracy, in which government agencies and public managers are deprived of selection power. This system diverges from the trend of managerialism in Anglo‐Saxon countries. This paper argues that the evolution of meritocracy in Taiwan has been built around the CSEE and has contributed to a top‐down state‐building approach. The current system is a product of a long‐term power struggle among the Examination Yuan, government agencies, and civil service examinees. In contrast to the popular framework of patronage versus merit, the policy debate in Taiwan is better framed as whether or not recruitments are made on the basis of competitive examination. The value of ‘equality’ is upheld at the expense of the value of ‘competence’.     

先行先试 促进闽台农业合作大有可为

福建与台湾一水之隔,独特的区位优势让闽台农业合作如火如荼发展。本文通过阐述闽台农业合作意义之所在,介绍闽台农业合作已取得的成效,从而进一步提出闽台农业先行先试,走向精深合作的几点看法。     

Policy networks in South Korea and Taiwan during the democratic era

This article examines policy networks in South Korea and Taiwan during the democratic era. Policy networks are the core mechanisms of developmentalism in the two countries. However, democratization affects policy coordination differently in the two countries. By focusing on policy networks as their core mechanisms of developmentalism, this article shows that the fate of developmental states in the democratic period is not fixed. The Korean state fails to maintain policy networks, thus becoming less developmental. Its economic policies become inconsistent, short-term-oriented, over-politicized and poorly monitored. Meanwhile, Taiwan further develops policy networks, so becoming more developmental. These two contrasting experiences of network management and policy choice help account for the differential impacts of the financial crisis on South Korea and Taiwan.     

Ma Ying-jeou's re-election: implications for Taiwan and East Asia

Abstract

Ma Ying-jeou's re-election means that there will not be a leadership change in Taiwan, but it still has significant implications. It forces the opposition Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) to work out a succession for itself and confront the political reality that it must now persuade voters in Taiwan that it can manage relations with mainland China effectively in order to win the presidency again. It also requires Ma to define clearly the limits of his mainland policy in order to minimize Beijing's expectations of his second term, as no president of Taiwan can agree to move towards political integration without a popular mandate. On its part, Beijing has taken on board the significance of Taiwan's electoral cycle for managing cross-Strait ties and will put pressure on Ma to move forward over political integration and thus reduce the scope for a future DPP administration to reverse course. This notwithstanding, Beijing's Taiwan policy will ultimately be determined more by the result of the leadership succession in mainland China itself in the autumn of 2012. For USA and East Asia, Ma's re-election is a positive development as it minimizes the risk of a confrontation or a crisis across the Taiwan Strait. But it will not remove the main problems they have with China that are Taiwan related. For USA, arms sales to Taiwan will still be needed and will remain a source of tension with Beijing. For Southeast Asia, stability across the Taiwan Strait implies that Beijing can devote more attention and resources to the South China Sea territorial disputes and that it is likely to behave in a more assertive way.