2014年欧洲议会选举探析——“欧洲选举”还是“次等国内选举”?

2014年5月22日-25日,第八次欧洲议会选举在欧盟28个成员国进行。选举结果是:主流政党丢失选票,极右翼政党获得更多席位。此次选举充分体现了欧洲议会选举所具有的"次等国内选举"的特征。新一届欧洲议会的联盟构建总体保持稳定,极右翼议员的增多会促使主流党团结盟即"大联盟"的比例有所增加。极右翼政党对欧洲议会的影响相对有限,但是对成员国政治可能影响深远。欧洲议会与欧洲理事会围绕下一届欧盟委员会主席的人选进行了复杂的政治博弈,容克的最终当选体现出诸多政治信息。     

试析文化因素对中亚一体化的影响

中亚一体化进程经过20年的实践,不仅没有取得实质性进展,而且中亚国家间的合作逐渐被竞争与防范所代替,呈现出停滞的局面。宏观层面的宗教文化、中观层面的政治文化,以及微观层面的民众区域认同,有助于分析出现这种困境的原因。具体而言:中亚地区宗教文化的区域整合力不高,不能为区域一体化提供政治思想;中亚各国国内的政治文化阻碍了中亚国家间的相互依赖;中亚学者缺乏区域一体化理论研究,民众缺乏"中亚认同"。这些文化因素共同导致了中亚一体化陷入到停滞不前的困境之中。     

欧盟反危机措施的司法审查研究——兼论后危机时代欧洲一体化模式的博弈

欧元区债务危机不但意味着金融和经济危机,更衍生了欧盟的社会和政治合法性危机。欧洲央行和欧洲理事会推出的反危机措施虽然收到抵抗危机与稳定欧元区之效,但在此过程中形成的欧盟经济治理的行政联邦主义模式却在欧盟和成员国两个层面损害了欧洲一体化的政治合法性,更刺激了欧洲一体化三种模式之间博弈的激烈化。在对欧元区债务危机进行控制和管理的过程中,欧洲央行推出的"直接货币交易计划"和"公共部门购买计划"先后接受了德国联邦宪法法院和欧洲法院的司法审查。在初步裁决机制中,欧洲法院的司法审查主要关注欧洲央行上述计划的货币政策属性及其与"禁止货币融资"条款的一致性,德国联邦宪法法院的宪法审查则立足于德国《基本法》的民主原则。两个法院两种不同的司法判决逻辑背后事实上是两种一体化模式的竞争:欧洲央行和欧洲理事会构成的"欧盟经济政府"的行政联邦主义模式以及德国联邦议会和联邦政府所代表的"民主的、主权的成员国"的有限一体化模式。面对反危机措施的行政联邦主义模式造成的欧盟民主与合法性危机,哈贝马斯与法国总统马克龙等人提出了有关财政经济政策一体化与推动民主合法性重心向欧盟层面转移的民主联邦主义模式主张。2019年的欧洲议会选举与欧委会主席选举将成为三种模式的博弈之战,其结果也将成为未来欧洲一体化的路标。     

“次等选举”的右倾化——欧洲议会选举中极右翼政党的崛起与影响

第八届欧洲议会选举中极右翼政党的普遍性崛起,将改变欧盟以交易与妥协为基础的折中主义政治生态。但本届议会中极右翼的主流是强调法律与秩序的非反体制类激进右翼政党,这意味着其疑欧与反欧诉求总体上将服从于欧洲联盟现行的机制与规约,欧洲一体化及欧盟体制结构的主界面发生根本性逆转或瓦解的可能性相对较低。长期来看,极右翼的崛起对一体化的影响并不必然是完全消极的,但此轮欧盟政治"去精英化"的主要推动者却是秉持强硬与温和疑欧取向的民粹主义者,这虽然没有完全超越"次等选举"与"欧洲效应"的理论预判,但反映出一体化同步多维的深化与扩大导致的一系列深层次问题。     

后工业·后物质·政党——以北欧五国政治文化变迁为中心

2 0世纪六七十年代以降 ,西方资本主义国家的经济和社会结构发生了深刻的转型。社会学家丹尼尔·贝尔将这一转型称为“后工业社会的来临”。与后工业社会相伴随的是人们基本价值观的转向。如果说工业时代人们主要关注的是阶级冲突以及与这种冲突相关联的经济利益和物质财富的分配 ,那么在后工业社会 ,人们所关注的则开始转向生态环境、生活方式和生活质量、人权、公民自由、性伦理以及战争与和平等这些与阶级不相关的“后物质主义价值”。在这一背景下 ,北欧政党政治发生了新的变化。公众价值取向模式的改变对北欧政党政治的影响主要表现在三个方面 :一是政党分野由当初以阶级为基础开始向以议题为基础转变 ;二是传统政党竞争结构中的左—右分野呈现空前的多维性和复杂性 ;三是选民传统意义上相对稳定的党派忠诚开始趋于弱化。     

法国左右两大派的分野、变迁及前景

法国在政治理论和实践方面为世界各国提供了众多模式与启示,左右两大派的分野便是其中之一。这一政治分野在大革命后逐步形成,在法国的政治和社会生活及人们的意识中产生了深刻影响,并成为法兰西政治文化的重要组成部分。冷战结束后,在全球化和欧洲一体化的背景下,法国的国际地位和国内社会政治生活环境都发生了重大变化。法兰西民族原有的政治特性,如中央集权传统、共和同化原则、特立独行的外交路线等均受到新因素的影响,左右两大派的分野也不例外。考察和分析法国左右两派的分野、变迁及前景有益于我们深入理解法国正在经历着的政治文化重组。     

苏格兰民族党的对欧态度:意识形态和策略的双重作用

欧洲各国政党的对欧立场取决于意识形态和策略两方面。从意识形态视角来看,拥有区域性/少数民族政党和左翼社会民主党双重身份的苏格兰民族党的对欧立场,可以从社会分化理论包含的中心-边缘和阶级(左/右)分化得到解释;从策略视角来看,则取决于特定的国内政治和党派竞争环境。本文详细分析了苏格兰民族党在上世纪80、90年代对欧洲一体化态度的转变和苏格兰民族党在英国脱欧讨论中的立场取向,并认为,苏格兰民族党在英国公投中的亲欧立场固然基于其意识形态,但更多的还是出于策略的考量。     

欧盟的危机政治:多重约束下的政治突围

过去十年间的多重危机是欧盟经历的第一次真正意义上的生死考验。然而主流的欧洲一体化理论和欧盟法律研究无法为我们理解这一阶段的欧盟政治变迁提供一个恰当的分析框架。鉴于欧盟危机出现的常态化趋势,本文认为,学界应走出一体化和法律研究的传统路径而将危机本身及危机中的政治运作作为欧盟政治研究的一个全新维度。欧盟的危机政治主要产生于法律规则、价值理念、民意诉求与政治需要之间的矛盾。这三对矛盾又催生了"策略性容忍违法行为""威权式合法化""组织化的伪善"和"政治隐匿"等形态各异的危机政治模式。虽然这些政治模式能够暂时缓解欧盟面临的生存危机,却为欧盟体制的长远稳定埋下了隐患。更重要的是,欧盟的危机政治促使我们反思"危机推动欧洲一体化"及"欧洲一体化是不可逆的政治进程"这两个重要的传统认识的合理性。     

社会科学文献出版社建社35周年 1985-2020

正意大利发展报告(2019～2020):中国与意大利建交50年孙彦红主编2020年6月出版ISBN 978-7-5201-6653-9本书以"迈向建交50年的中国与意大利合作"为题,全面系统梳理了中意建交50年的双边关系,并展望了中意关系的前景,并对2019年意大利政治、经济形势和外交关系的进展做了全面的回顾与分析,还特别关注了意大利民粹主义政党、意大利与欧洲议会选举、意大利政治前景与欧洲一体化、意大利产业区、意大利非常规移民、意大利对非洲政策等议题。     

当前欧洲右翼民粹主义复兴运动的新趋向

近年来,全球金融危机导致经济和社会动荡之际,欧洲右翼民粹主义力量出现了新的政治复兴之势。在政治主张和策略方面,它们利用伊斯兰恐惧症,以穆斯林移民作为主要攻击目标;提出对欧洲一体化的怀疑,主张重新民族国家化,同时寻求建立右翼民粹主义势力的欧洲联盟。欧洲右翼民粹主义政党的新变化从多重意义上影响了欧洲民主政治,使文化价值认同成为政治分野的一个重要维度。     

Inter-parliamentary European Union–Latin American Caribbean (EU-LAC) relations and the increasing political convergence among Latin American regional parliaments (2006–15)

Europe and Latin America present a long-standing tradition of parliamentary diplomacy and particularly in the development of regional parliaments. Since the 1970s, inter-parliamentary relations between the two regions have been institutionalized, first by the regular dialogue of the European Parliament with the Latin American Parliament (Parlatino) and more recently, in 2006, with the creation of the Euro-Latin American Parliamentary Assembly (EuroLat). Apart from representatives of Parlatino, EuroLat includes in the European Union-Latin American Caribbean (EU-LAC) parliamentary dialogue members of other regional assemblies created in recent decades, such as the Andean Parliament, the Central American Parliament and the Mercosur Parliament. However, recent EuroLat meetings have made evident a polarization of positions on regional politics between European and Latin American sides, especially regarding the political and human rights situation in Venezuela. In this sense, the present paper analyzes the impact of EU-LAC relations on the political convergence of Latin American parliaments concerning regional political issues. The aim is to discuss how institutionalized relations with the European Parliament, through EuroLat, increased convergence among Latin American parliamentarians. This argument is exemplified by the joint defensive position on the Venezuelan political situation adopted by Latin American parliamentarians vis-à-vis the European Parliament's condemnatory position.     

The development of the role of the European Parliament

SUMMARY

In this article, Sandro Guerrieri argues the case for studying the emergence of the European Parliament from the historical perspective, now made more feasible by the growing availability of the European Union's own archives at Florence. He suggests that, so far, most analysis of the development of the Parliament has been undertaken by lawyers and political scientists. A historical approach is particularly important, because the European Union does not exactly fit the normal institutional classifications, it is not an interstate association, nor a developed federal state, but combines elements of both. It follows that the European Parliament has developed in ways which partly replicate the development of parliaments in national sovereign or federal states, but is also adapted to the unique political structures of the European Union. The article then traces the path of development from the original Common Assembly of the European Coal and Steel Community, made up of members nominated by the national parliaments to act as a monitor of the work of the High Authority. From its inception, this Assembly began to press for the organization and authority of a parliament. From then on the Assembly and its successor institutions, which in 1962 finally secured the official title of the European Parliament, has steadily enlarged its powers. The article suggests that while the Parliament can be expected to develop many features that have characterized Europe's national parliaments, it will diverge from them because historically it is a pioneering experiment in supranational parliamentarianism.     

Les Cortes et le Parlement au Portugal. 750e anniversaire des Cortes de Leiria de 1254: Congrès International, 26–28 novembre 2004—Leiria

SUMMARY

The Scottish Parliament, established in 1999, was to be a novel type of parliament and to herald a ‘new politics’. While it was inevitable that the Scottish parliamentary model would inherit some of the features of the Westminster system, one of the major parliamentary models in the world, Home Rulers insisted on the Scottish Parliament's need to adopt novel procedures and principles right from the start to keep it from becoming a ‘Westminister’. An analysis of Scottish Home Rule discourse in documents from the late 1980s and the 1990s shows that at the time, Westminster was constructed as an ‘anti-model’. This article establishes in what respects Westminster was an anti-model for the architects of the Scottish Parliament and describes the ideal parliamentary model which they defined. It then considers whether the Scottish model as it exists today conforms to their expectations. The case presented here is that the Scottish parliamentary system is indeed different from the British system in several fundamental respects, such as the fact that it is more committee-based and less executive-oriented, but that it is closer to the Westminster model than has been acknowledged, and that in some respects, the Scottish Parliament has moved towards that model by adopting typically British modes of functioning. Some characteristics of the Westminster system which it has integrated are the Presiding Officer's power to have a casting vote or, more controversially, the way the executive is held to account, through adversarial Question Times. The Scottish Parliament is thus neither a mini-Westminster nor an anti-Westminster: the Scottish parliamentary model is a hybrid of the West European and the Westminster models.     

参议院选举后的日本政党政治

日本第22届参议院选举后，由于民主党与国民新党组成的执政联盟丧失了在参议院的多数席位，“扭曲国会”再次出现，致使日本政党政治的局面曼趋复杂。综合运用计量分析和实证描述方法，通过权力、制度、选民3个层面，以政权运营的状况、选举的非代表性缺陷、选民偏好和舆论影响为视角对参议院选举后的日本政党政治进行全面分析，将有助于深刻理解当前日本政党政治的生态环境及其发展路径。     

Factors for Integration? Transnational Party Cooperation in the European Parliament, 1952–79

The idea that supranational institutions of the European Union (EU) such as the European Parliament (EP) actively promote integration has been manifest in discourses of the European Community (EC) since the 1950s. There is less evidence that parties in the EP do so, partly because their existence at the European level is a relatively new phenomenon. It is also problematic, as these parties do not constitute a European party system above the state. The article traces the development of transnational cooperative links among the parties of the European Parliament from 1952 to 1979, and illustrates that, from the earliest stages of European Integration, party representatives participating in the newly established Assembly chose to adopt political stances, organisational structures and norms that were transnational and supranational in style and representation.     

国家利益和意识形态在欧洲议会中的博弈——欧洲议会党团凝聚力探析

本文以西方学术界现有的相关研究为起点和基础,对欧洲议会议员和工作人员的访谈作为主要研究方法,从欧洲议会议员、成员国政党代表团以及成员国政党(和政府)几个方面分析欧洲议会党团的凝聚力。总体来看,尽管欧洲议会内部存在着较大的差异性,但是欧洲议会主要党团在绝大多数情况下已经显示出一定的凝聚力。这一凝聚力得益于欧洲议会议员在多种利益中寻求平衡,成员国政党代表团达成一致的愿望,以跨党团议会委员会为基础的专业领域分工,党团的意识形态导向和决策方式等若干因素。     

Towards political integration in Europe: the involvement of national parliaments in European Union politics and policy-making

This article provides an overview of the life of the European Union over a period that has witnessed a number of historical international and institutional developments, and provides a politico-juridico-historical perspective on its growth. The article aims to examine the role of national parliaments in relation to increasing European legislative powers. The European Union is using these powers to ensure that non-European-Union states accept its rules as universal standards. At the same time, European foreign policy has expanded remarkably, reflecting its more prominent international role. The European Parliament is the world's first directly elected transnational parliament. In recent decades, the principles of human rights, peace, and democracy have reflected the deeply embedded values at the core of European integration since its inception, determining the evolution of the European Union from international actor to a model of democratization: a model promoting not only respect for human rights, but also democracy and peace, which have become concrete goals steering the European Union foreign policy.     

Sovereign nations and global markets: modern British Conservatism and hyperglobalism

In this article we seek to trace through the major stands of British Euroscepticism and concentrate, in particular, on the importance of a powerful 'hyperglobalist' Eurosceptical strand within British Conservatism. We investigate the British Conservatives' recent divisions over European integration, against the background of the party's increasingly marginal status in British party politics. The piece also draws on findings from two recent surveys of the attitudes of British parliamentarians to European integration, carried out by the Members of Parliament Project for the Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC). We explore how Conservative divisions of opinion are related in part to particular understandings of globalisation and regionalisation and attempt to show how globalist ideology has unexpectedly re–emphasised and bolstered the traditional nationalism of the Tory party and caused an increasingly hostile attitude amongst many British Conservatives towards the European project as it is presently constituted. We also examine recent attempts to map British Conservative Euroscepticism on to continental varieties using a mixture of ideological positioning and party system (Taggart 1998), arguing that this ignores the extent to which British Eurosceptics advance unique (in EU member state terms) hyperglobalist (rather than isolationist or protectionist) arguments in objecting to further European integration.     

From the Gallery to the Parliament: Journalists in the House of Representatives and Senate, 1901–2007

In this article we examine the extent of career cross‐over from journalism to politics in Australia using biographical data on the pre‐parliamentary careers of federal politicians since 1901. We find that while journalists continue to be over‐represented in Australia's national Parliament, there is evidence of a decline in the number making the career switch to politics. We argue that one explanation for this is the growing professionalisation of both vocations, and of journalism especially. Journalism education inculcates in graduates a strong sense of the media's Fourth Estate role, contributing to a professional identity that militates against taking up a political career. We also find that in recent decades, in spite of a small number of celebrated cases of journalists joining the ranks of the ALP, prior careers in journalism have been more prevalent among Coalition MPs. We argue that this reflects an ALP pre‐selection system that has become less accommodating of all pre‐parliamentary occupations other than trade union official and political staffer.     

Participative democracy in post-devolution Scotland: has the ‘people's parliament’ lived up to its name?

SUMMARY

The Scottish Parliament established in 1999 as part of the Labour government's ambitious programme of constitutional reform aimed at modernizing the governance of the United Kingdom, was expected to inaugurate a new style of politics, based upon a ‘participative approach to the development, consideration and scrutiny, of policy and legislation’, as recommended by the Consultative Steering Group on the Scottish Parliament in its report published in December 1998.¹ As we look back to its first eight years of existence, can it be said that the ‘people's parliament’ has lived up to its name? The engagement of Scotland's civil society in the constitutional debate and the Scottish constitutional tradition of popular sovereignty have informed the ethos of the new Scottish Parliament, which has committed itself from the outset to encouraging civic participation. While it has developed innovative ways of providing access to the policy making process, thereby differing decisively from the conventional model of representative democracy embodied by Westminster, the Scottish Parliament does indeed combine elements of both the representative and the participatory models, which makes it a particularly interesting case to study in the context of the general dissatisfaction observed in Western democracies with the representative model of governance.